The first five months of the COVID-19 pandemic in California rank among the deadliest in state history, deadlier than any other consecutive five-month period in at least 20 years.
And the grim milestone encompasses thousands of "excess" deaths not accounted for in the state's official COVID death tally: a loss of life concentrated among Blacks, Asians and Latinos, afflicting people who experts say likely didn't get preventive medical care amid the far-reaching shutdowns or who were wrongly excluded from the coronavirus death count.
About 125,000 Californians died from March through July, up by 14,200, or 13%, from the average for the same five months during the prior three years, according to a review of datafrom the state Department of Public Health.
By the end of July, California had logged about 9,200 deaths officially attributed to COVID-19 in county death records. That left about 5,000 "excess" deaths for those months — meaning deaths above the norm not attributed to COVID-19. Deaths tend to increase from year to year as the population grows, but typically not by that much.
A closer look at California's excess deaths during the period reveal a disturbing racial and ethnic variance: All the excess deaths not officially linked to COVID infection were concentrated in minority communities. Latinos make up the vast majority, accounting for 3,350 of those excess deaths, followed by Asians (1,150), Blacks (860) and other Californians of color (350).
The overall number of excess deaths across all races and ethnicities was ultimately tempered because, compared with the three prior years, there were actually 383 fewer deaths among white Californians than would be expected in the absence of COVID-19. In addition, California Healthline adjusted the overall numbers to reflect more than 320 COVID deaths that could not be categorized by race or ethnicity because that information was missing from state records.
Several epidemiologists interviewed said they believe a sizable portion of the excess deaths among people of color did, in fact, stem from COVID infections but went undetected for a variety of reasons. Among them: a shortage of coronavirus tests in the early months of the pandemic; an uneven strategy for how and when to administer those tests, which persists; and inadequate access to healthcare providers in many low-income and immigrant communities.
Dr. Kirsten Bibbins-Domingo, chair of the Department of Epidemiology and Biostatistics at the University of California-San Francisco, is among those who suspect the excess deaths reflect a COVID undercount in minority communities. She noted that several chronic health conditions that disproportionately affect Blacks and Latinos — including diabetes, high blood pressure and heart disease — also place them at higher risk for severe complications from COVID-19.
In addition, Bibbins-Domingo said, the prolonged shutdown of medical offices in the early months of the pandemic — and with them non-urgent surgeries and routine medical care — likely accelerated death among people with those chronic conditions.
"Shutdowns always come at a cost," she said. "It is our most marginalized communities that experience the cost of a shutdown."
According to state Department of Public Health data, deaths in California attributed to diabetes rose 12% from March through July when compared with the average for the same period over the past three years. In addition, deaths attributed to Alzheimer's disease rose 11%.
"Dementia is also a disease where we have racial, ethnic minorities already at greater risk," said Andrea Polonijo, a medical sociologist at the University of California-Riverside. "Now that we have the pandemic, they're more socially isolated. Social isolation we know can cause deeper cognitive decline."
It's hard to determine whether a death is due to COVID-19 if the victim never sought medical care, said Jeffrey Reynoso, executive director of the nonprofit Latino Coalition for a Healthy California. Latinos in California are less likely to have health insurance, he said. They may face language barriers if their medical provider — or contact tracer — does not speak Spanish. Latino immigrants working in the U.S. without authorization may hesitate to visit the doctor.
"Immigration is definitely a driver in creating a fear and a mistrust of systems, and that includes our healthcare system," Reynoso said.
Polonijo said the fact that Latinos make up the bulk of the excess deaths correlates with their dominant role in farming, meat processing, manufacturing and food service, jobs all deemed essential during the pandemic.
"This population is also more likely to live in more crowded conditions," she said. "So not only are they exposed at work, but they are bringing disease home and with it the possibility of spreading it to their family, bringing it to the community."
Bibbins-Domingo noted that, while a major portion of COVID deaths overall have occurred among seniors and nursing home residents, a disproportionate number of the state's excess deaths are of working-age adults.
"The excess deaths that we're seeing in communities of color and in low-income communities are deaths that are occurring at younger ages," she said. "These are deaths that are occurring in these ages from 20 to 60, generally speaking — the ages when people would be out working."
Kathy Ko Chin, president of the Oakland-based Asian & Pacific Islander American Health Forum, said Asian Americans also tend to be overrepresented in essential worker occupations, noting that a large proportion of the state's nurses are Filipino. In addition, she said, government officials have not done enough to translate COVID educational materials into the many languages spoken by California's Asian Americans. The Trump administration's rhetoric on immigration during the past four years, she added, has had a "chilling effect" that has kept many foreign-born Asian Americans from visiting a doctor.
"People were really, really scared," Chin said.
Counties in Southern California and the largely rural Central Valley — places with a high proportion of Latino residents — tended to have high rates of excess deaths from March to July. Among counties with at least 100,000 people, Kings County, an arid expanse north of Los Angeles that is home to industrial-scale agriculture, had the highest rate of excess deaths per capita.
Officials at the Kings County Department of Public Health did not return a message seeking comment.
Bibbins-Domingo and others said it is important for state and county health officials to take a hard look at their excess death numbers. Excess deaths matter, she said, because they expose shortcomings in healthcare delivery. In addition, local and state responses to COVID-19 are grounded in data; if that data is inaccurate, the responses may be misguided.
"Deaths are important because they also help us to understand how much severe COVID is there in the community that we have to worry about," Bibbins-Domingo said. "I think when we undercount that, we both fly blind for the overall pandemic management, and we might fly particularly blind in understanding the impact of the pandemic in particular communities."
Phillip Reese is a data reporting specialist and an assistant professor of journalism at California State University-Sacramento.
Heather Steadman, a nurse at a CSL Plasma donation center near Pittsburgh, was about to enter a tiny closed-door room to administer an exam when the doctor handed her a mask in a translucent wrapper labeled KN95. The folded white mask, visible behind Chinese characters, was all her employer was providing to protect her from COVID-19.
Over a nearly 20-year career, she'd worn certified respirators in intensive care units and cared for patients dying from respiratory disease. That night in late June, she was about to lean into the face of a stranger, checking his throat and peering into his eyes, guarded only by a mask of questionable origin.
"There were just red flags all over it," she said of the mask, which corporate records show was advertised to employees as just as good as the vaunted American-made N95 respirator at stopping the spread of the coronavirus.
She stared at the doctor incredulously, then marched to a nearby storage hutch. She plunged her hand into a blue box of 50 or so masks, then two more boxes, like a kid frantically scrounging through cereal boxes for a magic ring.
From each, she pulled out a sheet of paper, hoping for evidence that the masks had been cleared as effective by the U.S. government — from the federal Food and Drug Administration, maybe, or the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health, NIOSH, which certifies N95s that can filter out 95% of particles.
Instead, she read aloud the first line of English: "NOT for medical purpose."
Steadman, 41, had been in a standoff with her employer for months over inadequate personal protective equipment. She'd gone on leave in April, pressing CSL to provide decent masks. She'd complained, without success, to the federal Occupational Safety and Health Administration, which is supposed to ensure safe workplaces. Other CSL employees across the country had made similar complaints. Ten weeks later, though her complaints had been dismissed, she returned because the company said workers now had access to medical-grade masks.
CSL, a leader in the global plasma industry, says it was adhering to federal guidelines to protect front-line workers as it geared up a major national push — endorsed by President Donald Trump — to secure blood plasma donations from recovered COVID-19 patients. The FDA had authorized emergency use of convalescent plasma therapy as a treatment for the severely ill, despite a lack of scientific proof that it saves lives.
Steadman and other blood plasma workers feared a new level of risk as donors came in from the street and attested that they had been symptom-free for 14 days. The workers knew what the studies said: People looking to be paid in exchange for being stuck with a needle are more likely to conceal illness than those without financial incentive.
"These are not people that are going to tell me that they're sick," Steadman told me.
This, on top of the routine flow of non-COVID-19 donors coming in for $40 a draw, mostly poor people in high-risk groups, such as those working "essential" jobs where infections can spread wildly. A plasma donation involves repeated and prolonged contact with staff — in the reception area, in waiting rooms, during physical exams in closed spaces and when blood is drawn.
The company said it was following all federal guidelines, although no agency had quantified the dangers posed to workers like Steadman due to stepped-up plasma donations. Steadman had seen the many reports of counterfeit masks making their way to hospitals, endangering nurses and doctors. Rather than face what she saw as "imminent danger," Steadman told CSL she wouldn't return until she had assurances the company was providing safe masks. She also filed another OSHA complaint.
After weeks of waiting for regulators to act, she contacted ProPublica. She sent correspondence, CSL training materials, internal social media posts and samples of three masks from CSL's stockpile. She'd spent hours trying to track the masks' origins, to see if her colleagues were adequately protected, and none of the Chinese KN95s provided were at the time on the FDA's authorized list of masks that are roughly comparable to U.S.-approved N95s.
"They literally bought some off Amazon," she said, referring to records the company gave to OSHA.
Her story offers a glimpse into the confusion, anxiety and fear wrought by lax government oversight of the coronavirus mask market, where intense demand and low supply bred graft and fraud and left some front-line healthcare workers reliant on face coverings that might or might not work.
I'd spent the last six months delving into the murky world of PPE, tracking foreign vendors and middlemen, and documenting price gouging and questionable contracts. All of it unfolded against a backdrop of confusing and evolving guidance from the federal government.
When Steadman and some other CSL workers agreed to talk, I got in my car and made the windy four-hour drive to the strip mall in McKeesport, Pennsylvania, where they worked.
The parking lot of the Olympia Shopping Center could be artfully rendered in pencil and pastel and slapped on a postcard labeled "Poverty, U.S.A." There's a payday loan store, a Dollar Tree, a Rent-A-Center, a shuttered Payless ShoeSource and in the corner, the glowing red sign of CSL Plasma.
With unemployment at near-record highs, CSL had made donating plasma an attractive option and mobilized workers nationwide to recruit new donors. In McKeesport, it offered a $100 cash bonus to donors who could prove they'd once tested positive for COVID-19 and advertised that regular donors could make about $700 monthly.
As FDA Hypes, OSHA Chills
CSL has more than 260 U.S. plasma donation centers with plans to open dozens more next year. Based in Australia, the company is proud of a history that spans from its early use of plasma to beat diphtheria a century ago to helping develop the swine flu vaccine a decade ago. With $2.2 billion in profits last year, CSL gave out a record dividend to U.S. shareholders.
Its business seems poised to get even better.
An alliance of research institutions, plasma banks and drug companies promotes donations through "The Fight Is In Us" campaign, pitched online and on TV by stars such as Dwayne "The Rock" Johnson and Helen Mirren who urge COVID-19 survivors to visit plasma centers including CSL's. The Trump administration has praised the initiative andrefers donors to the alliance.
Since the pandemic's early days, the administration has been pushing plasma donations and cleared the way for a limited study to see if treatments of concentrated antibodies, derived from the serum surrounding the blood cells of COVID-19 survivors, could help others recover.
In late August, the FDA opened the door for widespread use of convalescent plasma therapy, citing a study that kinda sorta showed the potential upsides of the treatment outweighed the risks. In doing so, FDA Commissioner Stephen Hahn claimed that the treatment could have saved 35 out of 100 patients, a statement he later recanted after scientists called it a gross exaggeration. Still, Alex Azar, secretary of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, called the approval of convalescent plasma therapy a "milestone achievement in President Trump's efforts to save lives from COVID-19."
This pushed CSL into high gear.
Weeks earlier, CSL Limited CEO Paul Perreault had made the case for the industry-led race to get antibody-laden plasma in a roundtable appearance with Trump and other federal officials at the American Red Cross headquarters in Washington.
"We need plasma. We need plasma donors. We need them wherever they are," Perreault told Trump.
Aside from the president's support, the company had also enlisted top pharmaceutical lobbyists to press the value of plasma therapy in Washington.
But many unknowns remained. Trump's administration skipped the tedious — and, scientists say, important — step of a randomized controlled study, comparing outcomes of patients who got plasma therapy with those who didn't. And while federal agencies stressed that plasma donation centers should remain open during the pandemic to keep the nation's blood supply flowing, worker safety went largely unmentioned.
Tom Inglesby, a director at Johns Hopkins' Center for Health Security, said the risk to workers in plasma donation centers depends on the spread in each community. The bigger risk, he said, might not be the people who have recovered from COVID-19 but all the other donors who are being let in without prior screening to a place where infections can spread easily.
"If I were working in this type of facility, I would like to have an N95 mask," Inglesby said.
"You'd have to call these people healthcare professionals, for sure. They're drawing blood."
Since March, OSHA has received about a dozen COVID-19-related workplace safety complaints from CSL workers in Pennsylvania, Indiana, Michigan, Minnesota and Texas. Half were about inadequate PPE such as masks, the rest about fear the company wasn't enforcing public health guidelines.
In late May, for instance, a Houston employee reported that a staff member tested positive and "six people working near the infected person were quarantined," according to OSHA data.
"Other staff members are being sent out to work at other locations," that complaint stated, "exacerbating the spread."
Contracts, emails and spreadsheets that Juanita and Dawn Ramos shared with ProPublica detail how domestic and foreign investors, many with marijuana industry ties, seized upon the nation's public health disaster.
Anthony Farina, CSL's spokesman, said OSHA has assessed no penalties based on these complaints.
"CSL Plasma has cooperated promptly with all requests for information, and has routinely shared documentation of our safety practices in place to prevent exposure. The company also investigated the allegations and reviewed our applicable requirements to confirm compliance with appropriate OSHA COVID-19 guidance," his statement said.
All but three of those cases were closed.
Debbie Berkowitz, a former top OSHA official in the Obama administration, said Steadman's journey is part of a larger trend. "OSHA has decided not to enforce the law and has abandoned its mission," she said. "Workers are on their own."
The agency has received more than 33,000 COVID-19-related complaints, according to OSHA data. More than two-thirds of those are closed. Nearly 9,000 complaints were about PPE at work.
She was particularly concerned about a company presentation that told CSL workers that KN95s, approved under Chinese standards, were just as good as N95s, approved by U.S. scientists.
Providing questionable Chinese masks "and sort of implying to workers that this is like an N95 — that is completely deceiving and dangerous because it gives these workers a false sense of security," Berkowitz said.
Afraid at Work
The angst among CSL workers began in March, when corporate guidance stated that "a mask does not adequately protect healthy people from an infection of coronavirus." In fairness, this was around the time U.S. Surgeon General Jerome Adams sent out a tweet he'd later recant:
"Seriously people- STOP BUYING MASKS! They are NOT effective in preventing general public from catching #Coronavirus"
CSL employees, including managers, described an internal tracker on the company's network showing hundreds of employees took leave from March through September because they were either exposed to COVID-19, sick or afraid. None of those workers were able to share raw data. CSL did not directly respond.
Steadman shared emails that hint at concern sweeping through CSL as employee absences shuttered entire centers.
March 17: "Due to staff illness, the Hillsboro [Florida] 126 center will delay opening …"
March 27: "Little Rock [Arkansas] 234 is closed due to staffing issues."
March 30: "... Peoria [Arizona] closed for the day due to staffing issues."
The company shared online presentations outlining evolving pandemic guidelines. On April 10, it told workers that N95 respirators effectively filtered out airborne contaminants. But the company wasn't supplying them and mask use was voluntary.
Later correspondence indicates masks were not required because the company had no OSHA-approved respiratory program, which involves training on how to wear them and fit testing to ensure proper use.
That week, Steadman lodged her first complaint to management, took leave and complained to OSHA.
"I continued to work in good faith, despite genuinely believing that imminent danger exists," she wrote in a lengthy letter to CSL management. "However, the policy for 'recovered donors' is a risk I am not willing to take."
The drumbeat of staff absences indicated she was not alone in her fear.
April 17: "Taylor 240 [Pennsylvania] temporarily closed due to staffing issues."
On May 4, soon after the FDA gave emergency use authorization to import masks from 80 little-known Chinese manufacturers, the company announced it wasn't distributing those gold-standard N95s. It was instead providing Chinese KN95s. And 10 days later, a presentation told employees there was "very little difference in certification requirements between a N95 and KN95."
But company records show the three brands of KN95s CSL purchased and distributed were not on the FDA's list of Chinese masks that are roughly comparable to N95s and suitable for healthcare workers. And all three used earloops, which can be less snug than those that wrap around the head.
The move to distribute Chinese KN95s didn't halt the ongoing staff issues.
June 21: "... Homestead [Pennsylvania] unable to open due to staffing."
Meanwhile, CSL continued to aggressively recruit donors who had recovered from COVID-19, with workers posting flyers and hanging signs across the country, according to internal social media posts, some of which show workers improperly wearing KN95s.
Weeks passed, so Steadman called OSHA. She was told to file a new complaint. Too much time had passed. So she did.
In early July, OSHA told the company that regulators wouldn't investigate Steadman's updated complaint, deferring to CSL to look into it.
CSL reported to OSHA that its investigation had found no problem. A July 15 follow-up from corporate headquarters in Boca Raton, Florida, gave details about CSL's masks, including pictures and a snapshot of thousands apparently purchased through Amazon. According to CSL, the masks were sourced by the Utah-based medical equipment company HemaSource. Executives at HemaSource did not respond to messages from ProPublica.
"CSL Plasma has advised me that the hazards you complained about have been investigated. The employer states that the hazards have been corrected," Area Director Christopher Robinson wrote. "With this information, OSHA feels the case can be closed."
Steadman believed the mask details provided to OSHA demanded further inquiry.
"Who's going to make sure people have safe masks if not OSHA?" she said.
She rebutted her employer's response in a document that reads like a prosecutor's exhibit.
"Every certificate provided in this document is easily identifiable as plagiarized, and fits each criterion from the [Centers for Disease Control and Prevention] and NIOSH on identifying counterfeit masks and falsified documents," she wrote on July 19.
Here's where Steadman descended into the maddening vortex that's subsumed my reporting these last six months. After the FDA opened the gates for masks from China, later reversing course as junk masks ended up in healthcare settings, it became pretty dang hard to tell what was what. This is especially true of brands of masks the CDC or a private lab hasn't tested and published findings about, which is the case here.
Steadman went down a Google hole, cross-referencing images, technical data, model numbers and more. All of CSL's KN95s were labeled as not for medical use.
One type of mask connected back to a Chinese diaper company.
Another shipment, apparently from Amazon, came in packages of four (sterile masks typically come individually wrapped). Plus, the "CE" markings claiming they'd passed muster with European regulators were skewed and placed in different spots mask to mask, as if applied by hand with an ink stamp rather than precise machinery.
The third type, the KN95 Steadman was handed that stressful June night, links to a company registered with the FDA as ZK-Best, which sells masks approved by Chinese regulators for working around dust or filtering polluted air. The Chinese manufacturer did not respond to email requests for comment.
But CSL included a technical data sheet for these masks in its submission to OSHA that raises questions. The document purports to show that SGS, a global firm that deploys inspectors to factories to test goods for far-flung buyers, had found the ZK-Best respirator highly effective.
The document looked odd. The date format was month, day, year: "July 1st, 2015." That's an American convention I hadn't seen on other SGS documents. The inspection also appeared to be for a completely different mask model, a so-called PM2.5 mask designed for industrial use.
I reached out to experts who had imported and sold legitimate masks. I also reached out to SGS.
Richie Hecker, director of the medical supply company Traction and Scale, sold PPE to New York City and others. With his help, ProPublica asked a researcher in China to investigate. When the results came back, Hecker said he wouldn't buy these masks because SGS said the report provided to OSHA was fake, a "cut and paste job."
"This is not an original SGS document," SGS also wrote to me. "This document is thus of no value whatsoever and we advise you not to rely on it for any purpose."
Hecker said phony documents are common fare in the PPE market and "the KNs are the dirtiest item on the market." That's why reliable chain-of-custody documents connecting the mask in Steadman's hand to a specific factory are crucial.
When I asked CSL about the fake SGS document, a spokesperson said that the company would investigate and that it takes its responsibility to provide accurate information to federal regulators with "utmost seriousness."
On Sept. 2, just two days after I first asked CSL about the ZK-Best masks, its ZKG 9501 KN95 mask appeared on the FDA's list as allowed under the emergency use authorization. This wasn't the case earlier in my research or during the months Steadman refreshed and refreshed the same website and sent questions to several government agencies.
An FDA official told me that brand of mask was authorized based on testing and approvals from the FDA's European Union counterpart, though the masks CSL distributed and their packaging lack the CE mark. NIOSH has seen multiple instances of counterfeit masks sold using the branding of manufacturers on the list. U.S. regulators have not tested the ZK-Best masks themselves, but anyone worried about masks at their workplace is encouraged to send them to NIOSH for testing, officials said.
A few days later, on Sept. 13, CSL provided new documents it said proved the masks were legitimate, including a new testing document and a letter apparently from a ZK-Best manager named "Chensu," who said the masks had been approved by SGS after all. There was a mixup with the mask models, the letter said, but the masks were good.
I tried to authenticate those documents with the factory but didn't hear back.
I asked a CSL spokesperson for proof the documents came from the factory, perhaps an email thread showing a chain of custody. The company declined but said, "We assure you that we did not alter any of the documentation."
I shared all of this with Steadman, who remains skeptical.
"That Put Me at Risk"
Workers in McKeesport remain on edge because of the masks but also CSL policies they say are conflicting and dangerous.
CSL says workers are safe because the centers don't treat patients who are currently sick with COVID-19.
Donors receive a blood pressure, temperature and pulse check, said Farina, the company spokesman, and COVID-19 survivors "must provide a doctor's note confirming their diagnosis and confirmation that they have recovered from COVID-19."
Yet late last month, two workers were potentially exposed to a donor who later tested positive, according to internal emails and interviews with CSL employees. That donor wasn't properly wearing her mask, employees told me.
Samantha Kelly, 30, was told she had contact with this person. She worked the reception desk and spent several minutes pricking the fingers and taking the blood pressure of walk-in donors. She said the company refused to tell her when that contact occurred, making it impossible to retrace her steps and warn those close to her.
Kelly is the primary caregiver for her mother, who has diabetes and a chronic inflammatory lung disease.
"That put me at risk," she told me. "That put my family at risk, everyone we had come in contact with."
She's technically still a CSL employee, on unpaid leave since Aug. 20, but she said she's not going back.
A CSL spokesperson said the company follows CDC and local guidelines on contact tracing but said patient privacy laws limit what they can tell employees.
Company records show CSL stopped doing temperature readings at the door in June.
CSL employees say the checks detailed by CSL's spokesman happen long after patients enter the centers, sometimes after they've signed in, talked with staff and sat in a waiting room before screening.
Ultimately, CSL staff don't have much but donors' word that they're not sick, employees say and records show.
This month, a woman who said she'd recovered from COVID-19 came into the McKeesport office to sell her plasma, according to CSL staff. Well after she arrived, a staffer found she was running a fever. She was sent home. Employees are still rattled.
CSL employees told me their need for good PPE was heightened by a recent policy change. Employees were told they cannot ask donors who refuse to wear masks to leave, according to corporate instructions sent out in late June.
Responding to Steadman's persistence, OSHA reopened its investigation. That inquiry is ongoing, and the agency won't say more until it's complete, a spokeswoman said in an email.
On Sept. 1, the company launched a COVID-19 antibody testing program in about 30 cities to help identify more potential donors who have recovered from the disease. That same day, the National Institutes of Health said there's no evidence to support convalescent plasma therapy as a standard treatment for COVID-19.
In the end, I found only some answers for Steadman, who remains on leave from CSL. She said she and her co-workers could have avoided heartache if the company had simply addressed her questions and found FDA-authorized masks back in May.
"Why would the company let me flail over here and let me freak out and contact several different agencies if everything is just fine?" she said. "Nothing that you've just told me convinces me that anybody is sure those masks would protect me from COVID — at all."
On a recent warm afternoon, as we talked in front of her parent's long log cabin home, Steadman was wearing scrubs even though she hadn't been to work in weeks. I asked why.
Sen. Cory Gardner (R-Colo) said in a tweet on September 15 he authored legislation "to guarantee coverage to people with pre-existing conditions — no matter what happens to Obamacare."
This article was published on Friday, September 18, 2020 in Kaiser Health News.
Sen. Cory Gardner, a Republican running in a tight race for reelection in Colorado, says he wants to protect people with medical conditions.
In a mid-September tweet released by his campaign, he promoted legislation he introduced in August that he says will do just that.
“People like my mother who battle chronic diseases are heroes,” read the tweet. “I authored the bill to guarantee coverage to people with pre-existing conditions — no matter what happens to Obamacare — because some things matter more than politics.”
Gardner has voted repeatedly to repeal the Affordable Care Act, the first federal law to guarantee people with health problems that they could buy insurance when shopping for their own coverage — at the same cost as for healthier consumers.
Polls show broad public support for keeping the ACA’s preexisting condition protections, while also indicating a consistent, if narrow, majority favoring the overall law.
The popularity of those protections has led Gardner, as well as other GOP candidates facing tough challengers, to swear their allegiance to protecting people with medical conditions, despite their records. In previous fact checks, we found Sen. Martha McSally’s promise always to protect preexisting conditions to be False. President Donald Trump also has made related statements, which have ranged from False to Pants on Fire.
That got us thinking: Would Gardner’s legislation, dubbed “The Pre-Existing Conditions Protection Act,” actually guarantee these protections if the ACA didn’t exist? We decided to investigate.
The bill, which was introduced in August, and has no co-sponsors. It’s very short, only 117 words in total.
The main section is a single very long sentence: “A group health plan and a health insurance issuer offering group or individual health insurance coverage may not impose any pre-existing condition exclusion with respect to such plan or coverage, factor health status into premiums or charges, exclude benefits relating to pre-existing conditions from coverage, or otherwise exclude benefits, set limits, or increase charges based on any pre-existing condition or health status.”
We reached out to the Gardner campaign to ask for more information.
A campaign spokesperson reiterated in an email that Gardner’s goal is “to guarantee coverage for individuals with preexisting conditions and ensure they cannot be charged more as a result of their underlying medical conditions.”
Thomas Miller, a resident fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, a think tank in Washington, D.C., quipped that the main goal might be something else entirely.
“It’s probably about 100 words too long,” Miller said. “It could have said, ‘I’m running for election. I’ll do whatever is necessary.’”
Past Votes, Present Messages
Proponents of the ACA emphasized that the law would help people with medical conditions as they worked to get it passed by Congress, which happened in 2010 following a yearlong failed effort by Democrats to win Republican support. Among a host of other provisions, the law bars insurers from rejecting applicants with medical conditions, as they routinely did when considering individual applicants before the law passed. Nor can insurers charge the sick more than the healthy.
Since the law went into effect in 2014, it has faced many efforts by Republicans in Congress, including Gardner, to repeal it.
It has also faced three Supreme Court challenges. It survived the first two, although one ruling allowed states to opt out of its expansion of Medicaid programs for the poor. The still-pending case was first brought in 2018 by 20 states and is supported by the Trump administration. That case could overturn the entire law, although the court won’t hear arguments on the issue before the election. And that brings us back to Gardner’s bill. An obvious difference between that proposal and the ACA is length. Gardner’s bill is one page, while the ACA runs to several hundred.
And Gardner’s claim seems pegged to the legislative language that says insurers can’t impose a “pre-existing condition exclusion,” which sounds fairly straightforward.
But it’s not, experts say.
“It’s an adorable little bill but does not address any of the main issues,” said Linda Blumberg, a fellow at the nonprofit Urban Institute’s Health Policy Center. “You need a package of policies working together in order to create real protections for people to have coverage to meet their health care needs.”
For instance, the bill does not explicitly bar insurers from outright rejecting applicants with medical conditions, something known as “guaranteed issue.”
“‘Guaranteed issue’ is not in the language of the bill,” said Miller at AEI.
Instead, the language may simply prohibit insurers from restricting services related to a medical condition only if they choose to sell an individual insurance in the first place, he said.
Compare that with the ACA, which says every insurer selling individual or group coverage “must accept every employer and individual in the State that applies.”
Also needed in legislation aiming to protect people with medical problems, said Blumberg, are provisions for subsidies to help people of low and moderate income afford their premiums. The ACA has those, along with specific enrollment periods, so that people don’t wait until they are sick to sign up. Without them, mainly those with medical conditions might sign up, driving up costs and premiums. That, in turn, can price people, especially the sick, out of future coverage.
Another way Gardner’s bill differs from the ACA is that it does not list benefits that must be included in a health insurance policy. The ACA requires insurers to cover 10 broad categories of care, including hospitalization, prescription drugs, childbirth, substance abuse treatment and mental health care.
“Without that, insurers could sell products that don’t cover very much, which is what we had prior to 2014,” Blumberg added, which is one way to discourage those who are sick from even applying. “It was difficult to find a product that covered prescription drugs, and we even saw policies that didn’t cover chemotherapy.”
So, What About Costs?
Gardner’s legislation says insurers can’t “factor health status into premiums or charges.”
So insurers could not charge people more simply because they have diabetes, say, or cancer. Still, that leaves open a whole lot of other things that insurers could consider when setting premiums for individuals, such as such as gender or occupation, which could stand in as a proxy for health. Unlike the ACA, it does not bar insurers from setting annual or lifetime dollar limits on coverage, which could disproportionately affect people with costly medical conditions.
The ACA allows insurers to vary premiums for only three reasons: where people live, their age and whether they use tobacco. It sets upper limits, such as charging older folks no more than three times what younger enrollees pay.
Douglas Holtz-Eakin, president of the American Action Forum, who wrote a blog post cited by the Gardner campaign, said the proposed legislation is a starting point — a place holder, if you will. His piece mentioned it near the end of a broader look at the Trump administration’s health platform going into the election.
Responding to questions about Gardner’s legislation, Holtz-Eakin said that if the ACA were to be struck down, Gardner would likely add provisions to it.
“I don’t think it’s intended to be a replacement bill but a provision to make sure people can get coverage,” said Holtz-Eakin. “It’s quite clear on the aim to ensure that people with pre-existing conditions can get insurance, but it doesn’t address every single policy issue that’s out there.”
Health law professor Mark Hall at Wake Forest University said Gardner’s legislation could survive if the ACA were struck down by the Supreme Court, but he noted that Congress would be unlikely to adopt the Gardner bill as written.
“A freestanding protection of pre-existing conditions without any supporting provisions to keep insurance affordable or encourage people to purchase it before they become sick, is almost certain to cause serious harms to the market,” Hall wrote in an email. “Therefore, a lot more is needed to overcome legitimate objections that almost certainly will be made from both sides of the political aisle.”
Our Ruling
Because protecting people with medical conditions requires many moving parts, the brevity of Gardner’s proposal makes it appear to be a fig leaf for a political problem rather than a means to guarantee protections for people with preexisting conditions.
The legislation is unclear on whether it guarantees that people with health problems will be able to buy insurance in the first place. And, even if they can, they may well find it priced out of reach because the legislation does not bar insurers from varying premiums widely on the basis of age, gender or occupation.
Viewed in its most favorable light, Gardner’s 117-word proposal would only serve as a place holder for larger legislation, upon which more protections would have to be layered to bolster the effectiveness of its guarantee.
More than 70,000 residents and staff members in nursing homes and assisted living facilities had died of COVID-19 by mid-August, according to the latest count from Kaiser Family Foundation.
This article was published on Friday, September 18, 2020 in Kaiser Health News.
Older adults are asking this question anew in light of the ongoing toll of the coronavirus pandemic — disrupted lives, social isolation, mounting deaths. Many are changing their minds.
Some people who planned to move to senior housing are now choosing to live independently rather than communally. Others wonder whether transferring to a setting where they can get more assistance might be the right call.
These decisions, hard enough during ordinary times, are now fraught with uncertainty as the economy falters and COVID-19 deaths climb, including tens of thousands in nursing homes and assisted living centers.
Teresa Ignacio Gonzalvo and her husband, Jaime, both 68, chose to build a house rather than move into a continuing care retirement community when they relocate from Virginia Beach, Virginia, to Indianapolis later this year to be closer to their daughters.
Having heard about lockdowns around the country because of the coronavirus, Gonzalvo said, “We’ve realized we’re not ready to lose our independence.”
Alissa Ballot, 64, is planning to leave her 750-square-foot apartment in downtown Chicago and put down roots in a multigenerational cohousing community where neighbors typically share dining and recreation areas and often help one another.
“What I’ve learned during this pandemic is that personal relationships matter most to me, not place,” she said.
Kim Beckman, 64, and her husband, Mike, were ready to give up being homeowners in Victoria, Texas, and join a 55-plus community or rent in an independent living apartment building in northern Texas before COVID-19 hit.
Now, they’re considering buying an even bigger home because “if you’re going to be in the house all the time, you might as well be comfortable,” Beckman said.
“Everyone I know is talking about this,” said Wendl Kornfeld, 71, who lives on the Upper West Side of Manhattan. She has temporarily tabled the prospect of moving into a continuing care retirement community being built in the Bronx.
“My husband and I are going to play it by ear; we want to see how things play out” with the pandemic, she said.
In Kornfeld’s circles, people are more committed than ever to staying in their homes or apartments as long as possible — at least at the moment. Their fear: If they move to a senior living community, they might be more likely to encounter a COVID outbreak.
“All of us have heard about the huge number of deaths in senior facilities,” Kornfeld said. But people who stay in their own homes may have trouble finding affordable help there when needed, she acknowledged.
More than 70,000 residents and staff members in nursing homes and assisted living facilities had died of COVID-19 by mid-August, according to the latest count from KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). This is an undercount because less than half of states are reporting data for COVID-19 in assisted living. Nor is data reported for people living independently in senior housing. (KHN is an editorially independent program of KFF.)
Nervousness about senior living has spread as a result, and in July, the National Investment Center for Seniors Housing & Care reported the lowest occupancy rates since the research organization started tracking data 14 years ago. Occupancy dropped more in assisted living (a 3.2% decline from April through June, compared with January through March) than in independent living (a 2.4% decline). The organization doesn’t compile data on nursing homes.
The potential for social isolation is especially worrisome, as facilities retain restrictions on family visits and on group dining and activities. (While states have started to allow visits outside at nursing homes and assisted living centers, most facilities don’t yet allow visits inside — a situation that will increase frustration when the weather turns cold.)
Beth Burnham Mace, NIC’s chief economist and director of outreach, emphasized that operators have responded aggressively by instituting new safety and sanitation protocols, moving programming online, helping residents procure groceries and other essential supplies, and communicating regularly about COVID-19, both on-site and in the community at large, much more regularly.
Mary Kazlusky, 76, resides in independent living at Heron’s Key, a continuing care retirement community in Gig Harbor, Washington, which is doing all this and more with a sister facility, Emerald Heights in Redmond, Washington.
“We all feel safe here,” she said. “Even though we’re strongly advised not to go into each other’s apartments, at least we can see each other in the hall and down in the lobby and down on the decks outside. As far as isolation, you’re isolating here with over 200 people: There’s somebody always around.”
One staff member at Heron’s Key tested positive for COVID-19 in August but has recovered. Twenty residents and staff members tested positive at Emerald Heights. Two residents and one staff member died.
Colin Milner, chief executive officer of the International Council on Active Aging, stresses that some communities are doing a better job than others. His organization recently published a report on the future of senior living in light of the pandemic.
It calls on operators to institute a host of changes, including establishing safe visiting areas for families both inside and outside; providing high-speed internet services throughout communities; and ensuring adequate supplies of masks and other forms of personal protective equipment for residents and staff, among other recommendations.
Some families now wish they’d arranged for older relatives to receive care in a more structured environment before the pandemic started. They’re finding that older relatives living independently, especially those who are frail or have mild cognitive impairments, are having difficulty managing on their own.
“I’m hearing from a lot of people — mostly older daughters — that we waited too long to move Mom or Dad, we had our head in the sand, can you help us find a place for them,” said Allie Mazza, who owns Brandywine Concierge Senior Services in Kennett Square, Pennsylvania.
While many operators instituted move-in moratoriums early in the pandemic, most now allow new residents as long as they test negative for COVID-19. Quarantines of up to two weeks are also required before people can circulate in the community.
Many older adults, however, simply don’t have the financial means to make a move. More than half of middle-income seniors — nearly 8 million older adults — can’t afford independent living or assisted living communities, according to a study published last year. And more than 7 million seniors are poor, according to the federal Supplemental Poverty Measure, which includes out-of-pocket medical expenses and other drains on cash reserves.
Questions to Ask
For those able to consider senior housing, experts suggest you ask several questions:
How is the facility communicating with residents and families? Has it had a COVID outbreak? Is it disclosing COVID cases and deaths? Is it sharing the latest guidance from federal, state and local public health authorities?
What protocols have been instituted to ensure safety? “I’d want to know: Do they have a plan in place for disasters — not just the pandemic but also floods, fires, hurricanes, blizzards?” Milner said. “And beyond a plan, do they have supplies in place?”
How does the community engage residents? Is online programming — exercise classes, lectures, interest group meetings — available? Are one-on-one interactions with staffers possible? Are staffers arranging online interactions via FaceTime or Zoom with family? Are family visits allowed? “Social engagement and stimulation are more important than ever,” said David Schless, president of the American Seniors Housing Association.
What’s the company’s financial status and occupancy rate? “Properties with occupancy rates of 90% or higher are going to be able to withstand the pressures of COVID-19 significantly more than properties with occupancy below 80%, in my opinion,” said Mace of the National Investment Center for Seniors Housing & Care. Higher occupancy means more revenues, which allows institutions to better afford extra expenses associated with the pandemic.
The increase in home dialysis has accelerated recently, spurred by social-distancing requirements, increased use of telehealth and remote monitoring technologies — and fear of the virus.
This article was published on Friday, September 18, 2020 in Kaiser Health News.
NIPOMO, Calif. — After Maria Duenas was diagnosed with Type 2 diabetes about a decade ago, she managed the disease with diet and medication.
But Duenas’ kidneys started to fail just as the novel coronavirus established its lethal foothold in the U.S.
On March 19, three days after Duenas, 60, was rushed to the emergency room with dangerously high blood pressure and blood sugar, Gov. Gavin Newsom implemented the nation’s first statewide stay-at-home order.
Less than one week later, Duenas was hooked up to a dialysis machine in the Century City neighborhood of Los Angeles, 160 miles from her Central Coast home, where tubes, pumps and tiny filters cleansed her blood of waste for 3½ hours, doing the work her kidneys could no longer do.
In the beginning, Duenas said she didn’t understand the severity of COVID-19, or her increased vulnerability to it. “It’s not going to happen to me,” she thought. “We’re in a small little town.”
But she was unable to find a spot in a dialysis clinic in, or near, Nipomo. So, with her husband, Jose, at her side, Duenas made long road trips to Century City for more than two months.
In May, Duenas’ doctor told her she was a good candidate for home dialysis, which would save her drive time and stress — and reduce her exposure to the virus.
Now, Duenas assiduously sterilizes herself and her surroundings five nights a week so she can administer dialysis to herself at home while she sleeps.
“There’s always a chance going in that somebody’s going to have COVID and still need dialysis” in a clinic, Duenas said. “I’m very grateful to have this option.”
The increase in home dialysis has accelerated recently, spurred by social-distancing requirements, increased use of telehealth and remote monitoring technologies — and fear of the virus.
While recent, comprehensive data is hard to come by, experts confirm the trend based on what they’re seeing in their own practices. Fresenius Medical Care North America, one of the country’s two dominant dialysis providers, said it conducted 25% more home dialysis training sessions in the first quarter of 2020 than in the same period last year, according to Renal & Urology News.
“People recognized it would be better if they did it at home,” said Dr. Susan Quaggin, president-elect of the American Society of Nephrology. “And certainly from a health provider’s perspective, we feel it’s a great option.”
Nearly half a million people in the United States are on dialysis, according to the National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases. Roughly 85% of them travel to a clinic for their treatments.
Dialysis patients are at higher risk of contracting COVID-19 and getting seriously ill with it, said Dr. Anjay Rastogi, director of the UCLA CORE Kidney Program, where Duenas is a patient.
In an analysis of more than 10,000 deaths in 15 states and New York City, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention found about 40% of people killed by COVID-19 had diabetes. That percentage rose to half among people under 65.
But people on dialysis are also vulnerable to COVID-19 because they usually visit dialysis clinics two to three times a week for an average of four hours at a time, exposing themselves to other patients and, potentially, the virus, Rastogi said.
“Now even more so, we are strongly urging our patients to consider home dialysis,” he said.
There are two kinds of dialysis: hemodialysis and peritoneal dialysis. In hemodialysis, which is administered in a hospital or clinic, or sometimes at home, a dialysis machine pumps blood out of the body and through a special filter called a dialyzer, which clears waste and extra fluid from the blood before it is returned to the body.
Dialysis treatment centers that offer hemodialysis have intensified their infection-control procedures in response to COVID-19, said Dr. Kevin Stiles, a nephrologist at Kaiser Permanente in Bakersfield. Visitors are no longer allowed to accompany patients, and patients get temperature checks and must wear masks during treatment, he said. (KHN, which produces California Healthline, is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.)
In peritoneal dialysis, which is the more popular home option because it is less cumbersome and restrictive, the inside lining of the stomach acts as a natural filter. Dialysis solution cleanses waste from the body as it is washed into and out of the stomach through a catheter in the abdomen.
Not everyone is eligible for home dialysis, which comes with its own challenges.
Home dialysis requires patients or their caregivers to lift bags of dialysis solution that weigh 5 to 10 pounds, Stiles said. Good eyesight and hand dexterity are also critical because patients must be able to maintain sterile environments.
Home patients need dialysis equipment and regular deliveries of supplies such as dialysis fluid, drain bags, tubing, disinfectant and personal protective equipment. In response to COVID-19, some clinics have arranged courier services and contracted with labs to deliver supplies to patients.
Medicare covers almost all patients who receive dialysis treatment, including home dialysis, and patients typically pay 20% as coinsurance.
Medicare, which spends an average of $90,000 per hemodialysis patient annually, spent more than $35 billion on patients with end-stage renal disease in 2016.
Duenas is awaiting a kidney transplant. Until she finds a match, she’ll be administering her own peritoneal dialysis at home.
“To be honest, I didn’t want to do it,” she said of home dialysis. “It was scary having to think about taking care of my own treatment.”
Now, three months later, guided by training and the prompts on the dialysis machine, Duenas feels comfortable, capable and safe.
Looking back, she said, “it was a blessing in disguise.”
While it's long been known that smoke can be dangerous when in the thick of it — triggering asthma attacks, cardiac arrests, hospitalizations and more — the Seeley Lake research confirmed what public health experts feared: Wildfire haze can have consequences long after it's gone.
This article was published on Friday, September 18, 2020 in Kaiser Health News.
SEELEY LAKE, Mont. — When researchers arrived in this town tucked in the Northern Rockies three years ago, they could still smell the smoke a day after it cleared from devastating wildfires. Their plan was to chart how long it took for people to recover from living for seven weeks surrounded by relentless smoke.
They still don’t know, because most residents haven’t recovered. In fact, they’ve gotten worse.
Forest fires had funneled hazardous air into Seeley Lake, a town of fewer than 2,000 people, for 49 days. The air quality was so bad that on some days the monitoring stations couldn’t measure the extent of the pollution. The intensity of the smoke and the length of time residents had been trapped in it were unprecedented, prompting county officials to issue their first evacuation orders due to smoke, not fire risk.
Many people stayed. That made Seeley Lake an ideal place to track the long-term health of people inundated by wildfire pollution.
So far, researchers have found that people’s lung capacity declined in the first two years after the smoke cleared. Chris Migliaccio, an immunologist with the University of Montana, and his team found the percentage of residents whose lung function sank below normal thresholds more than doubled in the first year after the fire and remained low a year after that.
“There’s something wrong there,” Migliaccio said.
While it’s long been known that smoke can be dangerous when in the thick of it — triggering asthma attacks, cardiac arrests, hospitalizations and more — the Seeley Lake research confirmed what public health experts feared: Wildfire haze can have consequences long after it’s gone.
That doesn’t bode well for the 78 million people in the western United States now confronting historic wildfires.
Toxic air from fires has blanketed California and the Pacific Northwest for weeks now, causing some of the world’s worst air quality. California fires have burned roughly 2.3 million acres so far this year, and the wildfire season isn’t over yet. Oregon estimates 500,000 people in the state have been under a notice to either prepare to evacuate or leave. Smoke from the West Coast blazes has drifted as far away as Europe.
Extreme wildfires are predicted to become a regular occurrence due to climate change. And, as more people increasingly settle in fire-prone places, the risks increase. That’s shifted wildfires from being a perennial reality for rural mountain towns to becoming an annual threat for areas across the West.
Dr. Perry Hystad, an associate professor in the College of Health and Human Sciences at Oregon State University, said the Seeley Lake research offers unique insights into wildfire smoke’s impact, which until recently had largely been unexplored. He said similar studies are likely to follow because of this fire season.
“This is the question that everybody is asking,” Hystad said. “‘I’ve been sitting in smoke for two weeks, how concerned should I be?’”
Migliaccio wants to know whether the lung damage he saw in Seeley Lake is reversible — or even treatable. (Think of an inhaler for asthma or other medication that prevents swollen airways.)
But those discoveries will have to wait. The team hasn’t been able to return to Seeley Lake this year because of the coronavirus pandemic.
Migliaccio said more research is needed on whether wildfire smoke damages organs besides the lungs, and whether routine exposure makes people more susceptible to diseases.
“Now you have the combination of flu season and COVID and the wildfires,” Migliaccio said. “How are all these things going to interact come late fall or winter?”
A Case Study
Seeley Lake has long known smoke. It sits in a narrow valley between vast stretches of thick forests.
On a recent September day, Boyd Gossard stood on his back porch and pointed toward the mountains that were ablaze in 2017.
Gossard, 80, expects to have some summer days veiled in haze. But that year, he said, he could hardly see his neighbor’s house a few hundred feet away.
“I’ve seen a lot of smoke in my career,” said Gossard, who worked in timber management and served as a wildland firefighter. “But having to just live in it like this was very different. It got to you after a while.”
When Missoula County health officials urged people to leave town and flee the hazardous smoke, many residents stayed close to home. Some said their jobs wouldn’t let them leave. Others didn’t have a place to go — or the money to get there.
Health officials warned those who stayed to avoid exercising and breathing too hard, to remain inside and to follow steps to make their homes as smoke-free as possible. The health department also worked to get air filters to those who needed them most.
But when flames got too close, some people had to sleep outside in campsites on the other side of town.
Understanding the Science of Smoke
One of the known dangers of smoke is particulate matter. Smaller than the width of a human hair, it can bypass a body’s defenses, lodging deep into lungs. Lu Hu, an atmospheric chemist with the University of Montana, said air quality reports are based on how much of that pollution is in the air.
“It’s like lead; there’s no safe level, but still we have a safety measure for what’s allowable,” Hu said. “Some things kill you fast and some things kill you slowly.”
While air quality measurements can gauge the overall amount of pollution, they can’t assess which specific toxins people are inhaling. Hu is collaborating with other scientists to better predict how smoke travels and what pollutants people actually breathe.
He said smoke’s chemistry changes based on how far it travels and what’s burning, among other factors.
Over the past few years, teams of researchers drove trucks along fire lines to collect smoke samples. Other scientists boarded cargo planes and flew into smoke plumes to take samples right from a fire’s source. Still others stationed at a mountain lookout captured smoke drifting in from nearby fires. And ground-level machines at a Missoula site logged data over two summers.
Bob Yokelson, a longtime smoke researcher with the University of Montana, said scientists are getting closer to understanding its contents. And, he said, “it’s not all bad news.”
Temperature and sunlight can change some pollutants over time. Some dangerous particles seem to disappear. But others, such as ozone, can increase as smoke ages.
Yokelson said scientists are still a long way from determining a safe level of exposure to the 100-odd pollutants in smoke.
“We can complete the circle by measuring not only what’s in smoke, but measuring what’s happening to the people who breathe it,” Yokelson said. “That’s where the future of health research on smoke is going to go.”
Coping With Nowhere to Flee
In the meantime, those studying wildland smoke hope what they’ve learned so far can better prepare people to live in the haze when evacuation isn’t an option.
Joan Wollan, 82, was one of the Seeley Lake study participants. She stayed put during the 2017 fire because her house at the time sat on a border of the evacuation zone.
The air made her eyes burn and her husband cough. She ordered air filters to create cleaner air inside her home, which helped.
On a recent day, the air in Wollan’s new neighborhood in Missoula turned that familiar gray-orange as traces of fires from elsewhere appeared. Local health officials warned that western Montana could get hit by some of the worst air quality the state had seen since those 2017 fires.
If it got bad enough, Wollan said, she’d get the filters out of storage or look for a way to get to cleaner air — “if there is someplace in Montana that isn’t smoky.”
Industry experts say Florida is likely to be the first state to win federal approval for a drug importation plan — something that could occur before the November election.
This article was published on Friday, September 18, 2020 in Kaiser Health News.
Over the objections of drugmakers, the Trump administration is expected within weeks to finalize its plan that would allow states to import some prescription medicines from Canada.
Six states — Colorado, Florida, Maine, New Hampshire, New Mexico and Vermont — have passed laws allowing them to seek federal approval to buy drugs from Canada to give their residents access to lower-cost medicines.
But industry observers say the drug importation proposal under review by the administration is squarely aimed at Florida — the most populous swing state in the November election. Trump’s support of the idea initially came at the urging of Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, a close Republican ally.
The DeSantis administration is so confident Trump will move ahead with allowing drug importation that it put out a request June 30 for private companies to bid on a three-year, $30 million contract to run the program. It hopes to award the contract in December.
Industry experts say Florida is likely to be the first state to win federal approval for a drug importation plan — something that could occur before the November election.
“Approving Florida would feel like the politically astute thing to do,” said Mara Baer, a Colorado-based health consultant who has worked with Florida on its importation proposal.
Ben England, CEO of FDAImports, a consulting firm in Glen Burnie, Maryland, said the OMB typically has 60 days to review final rules, although he expects this one could be completed before Nov. 3 and predicted there’s a small chance it could get finalized and Florida’s request approved by then. “It’s an election year, so I do see the current administration trying to use this as a talking point to say ‘Look what we’ve accomplished,’” he said.
Florida also makes sense because of the large number of retirees, who face high costs for medicines despite Medicare drug coverage.
The DeSantis administration did not respond to requests for comment.
Trump boasted about his importation plan during an October speech in The Villages, a large retirement community about 60 miles northwest of Orlando. “We will soon allow the safe and legal importation of prescription drugs from other countries, including the country of Canada, where, believe it or not, they pay much less money for the exact same drug,” Trump said, with DeSantis in attendance. “Stand up, Ron. Boy, he wants this so badly.”
The Food and Drug Administration released a detailed proposal last December and sought comments. A final plan was delivered Sept. 10 to the Office of Management and Budget for review, signaling it could be unveiled within weeks.
The proposal would regulate how states set up their own programs for importing drugs from Canada.
Prices are cheaper because Canada limits how much drugmakers can charge for medicines. The United States lets free markets dictate drug prices.
The pharmaceutical industry signaled it will likely sue the Trump administration if it goes forward with its importation plans, saying the plan violates several federal laws and the U.S. Constitution.
But the most stinging rebuke of the Trump importation plan came from the Canadian government, which said the proposal would make it harder for Canadian citizens to get drugs, putting their health at risk.
“Canada will employ all necessary measures to safeguard access for Canadians to needed drugs,” the Canadian government wrote in a letter to the FDA about the draft proposal. “The Canadian drug market and manufacturing capacity are too small to meet the demand of both Canadian and American consumers for prescription drugs.”
Without buy-in from Canada, any plan to import medicines is unlikely to succeed, officials said.
Ena Backus, director of Health Care Reform in Vermont, who has worked on setting up an importation program there, said states will need help from Canada. “Our state importation program relies on a willing partner in Canada,” she said.
For decades, Americans have been buying drugs from Canada for personal use — either by driving over the border, ordering medication on the internet or using storefronts that connect them to foreign pharmacies. Though illegal, the FDA has generally permitted purchases for individual use.
The practice has been popular in Florida. More than a dozen storefronts across the state help consumers connect to pharmacies in Canada and other countries. Several cities, state and school districts in Florida help employees get drugs from Canada.
The administration’s proposal builds on a 2000 law that opened the door to allowing drug importation from Canada. But that provision could take effect only if the Health and Human Services secretary certified importation as safe, something that Democratic and Republican administrations have refused to do.
The drug industry for years has said allowing drugs to be imported from Canada would disrupt the nation’s supply chain and make it easier for unsafe or counterfeit medications to enter the market.
Trump, who made lowering prescription drug prices a signature promise in his 2016 campaign, has been eager to fulfill his pledge. In July 2019, at Trump’s direction, HHS Secretary Alex Azar said the federal government was “open for business” on drug importation, a year after calling drug importation a “gimmick.”
The administration envisions a system in which a Canadian-licensed wholesaler buys directly from a manufacturer for drugs approved for sale in Canada and exports the drugs to a U.S. wholesaler/importer under contract to a state.
Florida’s legislation — approved in 2019 — would set up two importation programs. The first would focus on getting drugs for state programs such as Medicaid, the Department of Corrections and county health departments. State officials said they expect the programs would save the state about $150 million annually.
The second program would be geared to the broader state population.
In response to the draft rule, the states seeking to start a drug importation program suggested changes to the administration’s proposal.
“Should the final rule not address these areas of concern, Colorado will struggle to find appropriate partners and realize significant savings for consumers,” Kim Bimestefer, executive director of the Colorado Department of Health Care Policy & Financing, told the FDA in March.
Among the state’s concerns is that it would be limited to using only one Canadian wholesaler, and without competition the state fears prices might not be as low as officials hoped. Bimestefer also noted that under the draft rule, the federal government would approve the importation program for only two years and states need a longer time frame to get buy-in from wholesalers and other partners.
Colorado officials estimate importing drugs from Canada could cut prices by 54% for cancer drugs and 75% for cardiac medicines. The state also noted the diabetes drug Jardiance costs $400 a month in the United States and sells for $85 in Canada.
Several states worry some of the most expensive drugs — including injectable and biologic medicines — were exempt from the federal rule. Those drug classes are not allowed to be imported under the 2000 law.
However, in an executive order in July, Trump said he would allow insulin to be imported if Azar determined it is required for emergency medical care. An HHS spokesman would not say whether Azar has done that.
Jane Horvath, a health policy consultant in College Park, Maryland, said the administration faces several challenges getting an importation program up and running, including possible opposition from the pharmaceutical industry and limits on classes of drugs that can be sold over the border.
“Despite the barriers, the programs are still quite worthwhile to pursue,” she said.
Maine’s top health official said the administration should work with the Canadian government to address Canada’s concerns. HHS officials refused to say whether such discussions have started.
Officials in Vermont, where the program would also include consumers covered by private insurance, remain hopeful.
“Given that we want to reduce the burden of health care costs on residents in our state, then it is important to pursue this option if there is a clear pathway forward,” Backus said.
From the moment she learned she was pregnant late last year, TaNefer Camara knew she didn't want to have her baby in a hospital bed.
Already a mother of three and a part-time lactation consultant at Highland Hospital in Oakland, Camara knew a bit about childbirth. She wanted to deliver at home, surrounded by her family, into the hands of an experienced female birth worker, as her female ancestors once did. And she wanted a Black midwife.
It took the COVID-19 pandemic to get her husband on board. "Up until then, he was like, 'You're crazy. We're going to the hospital,'" she said.
As the COVID-19 pandemic has laid bare healthcare inequities, more Black women are looking to home birth as a way not only to avoid the coronavirus but also to shun a health system that has contributed to African American women being three to four times more likely to die of childbirth-related causes than white women, regardless of income or education. Researchers argue that the roots of this disparity — one of the widest in women's healthcare — lie in long-standing social inequities, from lack of safe housing and healthy food to inferior care provided at the hospitals where Black women tend to give birth.
"It feels like we are needed," said midwife Kiki Jordan, who co-owns Birthland, a prenatal practice that opened early this year in a 400-square-foot storefront in Oakland's Temescal neighborhood targeting low-income women of color.
Since the COVID-19 pandemic hit in March, she said, the practice's clientele has more than tripled.
Images of hospitals inundated with coronavirus patients have sparked a flurry of new interest among women of all races in home births, which account for just over 1% of deliveries in the United States. Birth centers and midwives who attend home births say they've been swamped by new clients since the pandemic.
"Every midwife I'm talking to has seen their practice double or sometimes triple in the wake of COVID," said Jamarah Amani, a Florida midwife and co-founder of the National Black Midwives Alliance.
Many Americans think of giving birth at home as backward and scary, or as a quixotic practice of privileged white women, akin to cloth diaper services and home-cooked baby food.
But the growing interest in home births in recent years has fueled a growing Black midwifery movement that harks back to a venerable, if long-forgotten, tradition in the United States.
Jordan's practice is now 98% Black, "something I've never seen before," she said. She provides pre- and postnatal care regardless of where women plan to deliver, though the majority of her clientele choose home births.
African American infants are more than twice as likely to die as white infants, and the risks extend across social class. Tennis superstar Serena Williams' harrowing 2018 account of her own near-death postpartum experience with a blood clot in her lungs and a cascade of life-threatening complications was a sobering reminder that even wealth and fame are no protection from being dismissed or mistreated during one of the most vulnerable moments of a woman's life.
At least three Black women have diedin childbirth since March in New York City, which was hit hard early on by the coronavirus. One of the women, 26-year-old Amber Isaac, had reportedly tried to switch to a home or birth-center delivery after not getting an in-person appointment with her obstetrician as providers abruptly switched to telemedicine in the wake of the shutdown.
For Katrina Ayoola, 29, avoiding unnecessary medical interventions that researcherssay can leadto dangerous maternal complications was a key reason for switching to a home birth. As the coronavirus hit last spring, when Ayoola was around five months pregnant with her first baby, she was already frustrated with her obstetricians in Martinez, California. She didn't like their system of rotating providers, to whom she felt she constantly had to reexplain herself. The last straw was being told to go shopping for a home blood pressure monitor. They were sold out everywhere. "I ended up canceling what would have been an online appointment, and I haven't heard from them since," said Ayoola.
"I did not feel cared for," she said.
On Aug. 1, Ayoola delivered her son, Oluwatayo, at home in Fairfield with her husband, Daré, and her mother at her side following a 29-hour labor supervised by Jordan and her partner, Anjali Sardeshmukh.
"At the hospital, I'd probably have had a C-section," said Ayoola, who said her home birth was "an amazing, empowering experience," worth every penny of the out-of-pocket $4,500 the couple paid for it — a discount, based on their insurance and income, from Birthland's typical $6,500 fee.
Cost is a major barrier for poor people to access out-of-hospital births. Medicaid, the federal-state health insurance program that covers many low-income pregnant women, pays for home births in only a handful of states. Since 2015 these have included California, but reimbursement is low and bureaucratic requirements make it difficult for most midwives to accept Medi-Cal, California's Medicaid program. A quarter of U.S. states do not even offer midwife licenses, making the practice of home birth effectively illegal.
Jordan led a free-standing birth center in San Rafael that was the first in the state to accept Medi-Cal when it opened in 2016. She and a handful of other Black midwives around the country are leading the effort to make out-of-hospital births more accessible to low-income women, a group that could particularly benefit from community-based midwifery, according to a 2018 study.
Many of these birth workers are struggling to break even, but that's nothing new.
In past generations, Black midwives sometimes walked miles and stayed days with laboring women, massaging their feet, cooking and babysitting, and reading from the Bible in exchange for a few dollars or a chicken, according to historicalaccounts. Immigrants and African Americans dominated midwifery during much of this country's history, and in the South, enslaved women passed from mother to daughter childbirth techniques and remedies brought from West Africa starting in the 1600s.
In certain rural pockets, Black midwives continued to deliver babies for poor Black and white families alike, even into the last century, as modern obstetrics regulated traditional birth attendants virtually out of existence. Midwives delivered half of the nation's babies in 1900 and just over 10% by the 1930s, as physicians launched a campaign to promote hospital birth as safe and hygienic, while dismissing midwives as "relics of barbarism."
But in recent years, with hospital birth as the norm, the United States has registered the poorest birth outcomes in the industrialized world. The numbers haveworsened during the past 25 years even as they've improved in most of the world, largely because of the disproportionate toll on African Americans.
California has led the effort to reverse that trend, cutting its maternal death rate by 55% between 2006 and 2013, though the disparity for Black mothers has persisted.
Researchers have documented countless instances of pregnant African American women being ignored, drug-tested without permission, or sutured without pain medication.
There is a growing consensus among medical researchers and social scientists that discriminationcan result in toxic stress that causes maternal complications or premature births. Respectful, holistic prenatal care can improve outcomes, said Jennie Joseph, a British-trained midwife. Her prenatal clinic in Florida serving mostly low-income women of color has had consistently low rates of maternal complications and premature and low-birth-weight babies.
Joseph believes it matters less where a woman gives birth than how she is treated during the previous nine months, and most of her clients deliver in hospitals.
Groups like Amani's are encouraging more midwives of color to penetrate what she calls the profession's "old girls' network." Just 2% of American midwives are Black, and researchhas shown that Black patients tend to do better with Black providers.
There is evidence that their numbers are growing with demand, however. California now has about half a dozen licensed Black midwifery practices, including three that have opened in the San Francisco Bay Area since 2017.
Camara said she wanted to support them: She's had supportive, competent white birth attendants in the past, "but it wasn't the same," she said. "This is returning to what we did before."
At around 6 on a Saturday morning in mid-August, as a heat wave gripped the Bay Area, she phoned Jordan to tell her she was having contractions. Barely two hours later, the midwives helped her give birth to her son, Esangu, 8 pounds, 6 ounces, on her hands and knees on her living room floor.
Victor Coronado felt lightheaded one morning last month when he stood up to grab an iced tea. The right side of his body suddenly felt heavy. He heard himself slur his words. "That's when I knew I was going to have a stroke," he said.
Coronado was rushed to Mercy Hospital & Medical Center, the hospital nearest his home on Chicago's South Side. Doctors there pumped medicine into his veins to break up the clot that had traveled to his brain.
Coronado may outlive the hospital that saved him. Founded 168 years ago as the city's first hospital, Mercy survived the Great Chicago Fire of 1871 but is succumbing to modern economics, which have underfinanced the hospitals serving the poor. In July, the 412-bed hospital informed state regulators it planned to shutter all inpatient services as soon as February.
"If something else happens, who is to say if the responders can get my husband to the nearest hospital?" said Coronado's wife, Sallie.
While rural hospitals have been closing at a quickening pace over the past two decades, a number of inner-city hospitals now face a similar fate. And experts fear that the economic damage inflicted by the COVID-19 pandemic on safety-net hospitals and the ailing finances of the cities and states that subsidize them are helping push some urban hospitals over the edge.
By the nature of their mission, safety-net hospitals, wherever they are, struggle because they treat a large share of patients who are uninsured — and can't pay bills — or are covered by Medicaid, whose payments don't cover costs. But metropolitan hospitals confront additional threats beyond what rural hospitals do. State-of-the-art hospitals in affluent city neighborhoods are luring more of the safety-net hospitals' best-insured patients.
These combined financial pressures have been exacerbated by the pandemic at a time their role has become more important: Their core patients — the poor and people of color — have been disproportionately stricken by COVID-19 in metropolitan regions like Chicago.
"We've had three hospital closures in the last year or so, all of them Black neighborhoods," said Dr. David Ansell, senior vice president for community health equity at Rush University Medical Center, a teaching hospital on Chicago's West Side. He said the decision to close Mercy "is really criminal in my mind, because people will die as a result."
Mercy is following the same lethal path as did two other hospitals with largely lower-income patient bases that shuttered last year: Hahnemann University Hospital in Philadelphia, and Providence Hospital in Washington, D.C., which ended its inpatient services. Washington's only public hospital, United Medical Center — in the city's poorest ward — is slated to close in 2023 as well, and some services are already curtailed.
Slow Death of Urban Safety Nets
So far, urban hospital closures have remained infrequent compared with the cascading disappearance of their rural counterparts. But the closing of a few could portend problems at others. Even some of those that remain open may cut back crucial specialties like labor and delivery services or trauma care, forcing patients to travel farther for help when minutes can matter.
Nancy Kane, an adjunct professor at Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health who has studied urban safety-net hospital changes since 2010, said that "some close, but most of them have tried to get into a bigger system and hang on for a few more years until management closes them."
For much of the 20th century, most cities ran their own hospitals to care for the indigent. But after the creation of Medicare and Medicaid, and as the rising cost of healthcare became a burden for local budgets, many jurisdictions turned away from that model. Today only 498 of 5,230 general hospitals in the country are owned by governments or a public hospital district.
Instead, many hospitals in low-income urban neighborhoods are run by nonprofits — often faith-based — and in some cases, for-profit corporations. In recent years owners have unloaded safety-net hospitals to entities with limited patience for keeping them alive.
In 2018, the for-profit hospital chain Tenet Healthcare Corp. sold Hahnemann to Joel Freedman, a California private equity investor, for $170 million. A year later, Freedman filed for bankruptcy on the hospital, saying its losses were insurmountable, while separating its real estate, including the physical building, into another corporation, which could ease its sale to developers.
In 2018, Tenet sold another safety-net hospital, Westlake Hospital in Melrose Park, Illinois, a suburb west of Chicago, to a private investment company. Two weeks after the sale, the firm announcedit would close the hospital, which ultimately led the owners to pay Melrose Park $1.5 million to settle a lawsuit alleging they had misled local officials by claiming before the sale they would keep it open.
Some government-run hospitals are also struggling to stay open. Hoping to stem losses, the District of Columbia outsourced management of United Medical Center to private consulting firms. But far from turning the hospital around, one firm was accused of misusing taxpayer funds, and it oversaw a string of serious patient safety incidents, including violations in its obstetrics ward so egregious that the district was forced to shut the ward down in 2017.
Earlier this year, the district struck a deal with Universal Health Services, a Fortune 500 company with 400 hospitals and $11 billion in revenues, to run a new hospital that would replace United, albeit with a third fewer beds. Universal also operates George Washington University Hospital in the city in partnership with George Washington University. That relationship has been contentious: Last year the university accused the company of diverting $100 million that should have stayed in the medical system. In June, a judge dismissed most of the university's complaint.
No Saviors for Mercy
Chicago has three publicly owned hospitals, but much of the care for low-income patients falls on private safety-net hospitals like Mercy that are near their homes and have strong reputations. These hospitals have been sources of civic pride as well as major providers of jobs in neighborhoods that have few.
Fifty-five percent of Chicagoans living in poverty and 62% of its African American residents live within Mercy's service area, according to Mercy's 2019 community needs assessment, a federally mandated report. The neighborhoods served by Mercy are distinguished by higher rates of death from diabetes, cancer and stroke. Babies are more likely to be born early and at low weight or die in infancy. The nearest hospitals from Mercy can be 15 minutes or more away by car, and many residents don't have cars.
"You're going to have this big gap of about 7 miles where there's no hospital," Ansell said. "It creates a healthcare desert on the South Side."
Dr. Maya Rolfe, who was a resident at Mercy until July, said the loss of the hospital's labor and delivery department would cause substantial harm, especially since African American women suffer from a higher rate of maternal mortality than do white women. "Mercy serves a lot of high-risk women," she said.
Mercy, a nonprofit, has been in financial trouble for a while. In 2012, it joined Trinity Health, a giant nonprofit Roman Catholic health system headquartered in Michigan with operations in 22 states. In the next seven years, Trinity invested $124 million in infrastructure improvements and $112 million in financial support.
During that time, the hospital continued to be battered by headwinds facing hospitals everywhere, including the migration of well-reimbursed surgeries and procedures to outpatient settings. Likewise, patients with private insurance, which provides higher reimbursements than government programs do, departed to Chicago's better-capitalized university hospitals, including Rush, the University of Chicago Medical Center and Northwestern Memorial Hospital. Seventy-five percent of Mercy's revenues come from government insurance programs Medicare and Medicaid.
Only 42% of its beds were occupied on average, according to the most recent state data, from 2018. Mercy told state regulators it is losing $4 million a month and required at least $100 million in additional building upgrades to operate safely.
Trinity said it spent more than a year shopping for a buyer. After that yielded no success, Mercy joined forces with three other struggling South Side hospitals to consolidate into a single health system planning to build one hospital and a handful of outpatient facilities to replace their antiquated buildings. They sought state financial help.
The plan would have cost $1.1 billion over a decade. At the close of the legislative session, Illinois lawmakers — already strapped for funding because of the economic effects of the pandemic — balked at the hospitals' request for the state to cover half the cost. Lamont Robinson, a Democratic state representative whose district includes Mercy Hospital, said that was because the group did not declare where the new hospital would be built.
"We were all supportive of the merger but not with the lack of information," Robinson said.
Mercy said in an email that the location would have been chosen after the hospital organizations combined and chose new leaders. Trinity said in a statement: "We are committed to continuing to serve the Mercy Chicago community through investment in additional ambulatory and community-based services that are driven by high-priority community needs."
Blame for Mercy's closure has been spread widely to include the city and state governments as well as Mercy's owner. Trinity Health had $8.8 billion in cash and liquid investments at the end of March and until the pandemic hit had been running a slight profit. Earlier this year in Philadelphia, Trinity Health announced it would phase out inpatient services at another of its safety-net hospitals, Mercy Catholic Medical Center-Mercy Philadelphia Campus, a 157-bed hospital that has been around since 1918.
"People put their money where they want to," said Rolfe, the former medical resident at Mercy in Chicago. Noting that the city has no qualms about spending large sums to beautify its downtown while other neighborhoods are in danger of losing a major institution, she said: "It shows to me that those patients are not that important as patients that exist in other communities."
So far, participation by minority volunteers in coronavirus trials has increased only slightly compared with typically low levels for other clinical trials — and targeted outreach efforts to recruit more minorities have been slow to launch.
This article was published on Wednesday, September 16, 2020 in Kaiser Health News.
Participation in clinical trials among Black people is low, according to Food and Drug Administration statistics. Still, including them in coronavirus vaccine trials has been a stated priority for the pharmaceutical companies involved, since African American communities, along with those of Latinos, have suffered disproportionately from the pandemic.
The ongoing trials are moving at a pace that is unprecedentedfor medical research, with the Trump administration's vaccine acceleration effort dubbed "Operation Warp Speed." Yet recruiting minority participants requires sensitivity to a mistrust borne of past and current medical mistreatment. Trust-building cannot be rushed.
So far, participation by minority volunteers in coronavirus trials has increased only slightly compared with typically low levels for other clinical trials — and targeted outreach efforts to recruit more minorities have been slow to launch.
Some of that outreach is taking place at historically black colleges and universities, which are trusted institutions for many Black Americans. At Meharry Medical College in Nashville, Tennessee, researchers have set up in-person meetings with patients they already know. Earlier this month, a half-dozen patients gathered in a cramped conference room on campus. They snacked on turkey sandwiches and potato chips and listened to the pitch from their physician, Dr. Vladimir Berthaud.
"What's the best hope to get rid of this virus?" he asked them.
"Vaccination," they replied.
Then Berthaud followed up: "So raise your hand if you would like to take the vaccine?"
Some hands shot up, but not all.
"I ain't going to be the first one, now," said Lanette Hayes.
Katrina Thompson said she does eventually want to get a shot for protection against the coronavirus. She explained she's especially worried about all the residents of her apartment building who don't seem to be doing the basics of covering their coughs.
"The word 'vaccination' don't scare me," she said. "The word 'trial' do."
Black Americans have reason to be suspicious — stemming beyond the well-known Tuskegee experiments, in which Black men with syphilis were deceived and mistreated as part of an experiment that went on for decades. Many Black Americans report ongoing mistreatment by medical providers today.
Berthaud is recruiting patients for a clinical trial site he will oversee in Nashville, and he would like more than 300 people of color to enroll. Berthaud, who is Black and from Haiti, appeals to his patients' sense of duty.
"If you don't have enough people like you in those vaccine trials, you will not know if it works for you," he told them. "You will not know."
For most of the current coronavirus vaccine trials, recruitment mainly takes place online — which often results in mostly white people enrolling.
That's why Meharry researchers are wooing Black patients with a personal invitation. But they're not recruiting for the phase 3 trials underway. Meharry's first trial, for a vaccine candidate by Novavax, doesn't launch until October.
Other pharmaceutical companies are nearly done recruiting. Moderna said it chose nearly 100 trial sites for their "representative demography."
The company did not respond to requests for comment but publicizes demographic statistics about the clinical volunteers every week. While somewhat more inclusive than the typical clinical trial, it still is not a good representation of the diversity of the U.S.
For the coronavirus vaccine in particular, the National Institutes of Health has suggested minorities should be overrepresented in testing — perhaps at rates that are double their percentage of the U.S. population.
"We say we want to have everybody included, but really the effort for the vaccinations — in a sense — [is] starting the same way they've always been," said Dr. Dominic Mack, of Morehouse School of Medicine in Atlanta.
He's working with the NIH to make sure people of color are included in COVID-19 research. Mack said there are no shortcuts if medical research is going to reflect the diversity of the U.S. It takes time to build trust and meaningful relationships with people who have endured a history of abuse or neglect by medical providers, and exclusion from biomedical research and decision-making.
"Now, that being said, the only thing we can do is what we're doing," he said — by which he means respectful, unrushed outreach and dialogue.
The primary effort, called theCOVID-19 Prevention Network, taps into four existing clinical trial networks designed to advance HIV research. Those networks are based in Seattle, Atlanta, Los Angeles and Durham, North Carolina.
One project will be led by the Rev. Edwin Sanders II of the Metropolitan Interdenominational Church in Nashville. It will involve seven "faith ambassadors" and 30 "clergy consultants" in the African American community working to dispel myths and increase trust in the clinical trial process. But Sanders cautioned this is not about a hard sell. It's not his job to preach trial participation from the pulpit, he said.
"We are not out beating the drum," he said, acknowledging that congregants may have legitimate concerns. "I am not going to do anything more than make sure people are able to make an informed choice."
The danger in lunging for big diversity goals is that it could spark a backlash, meaning minorities might be even less willing to participate, said associate professor Rachel Hardeman, who studies health equity at the University of Minnesota. It's important that the doctors doing the asking look like the people they're appealing to, she said.
"It's racial concordance," she explained. "It offers this feeling of, 'You know who I am, you know where I come from, you have my best interests at heart.'"
Historically Black medical institutions in the U.S. are uniquely positioned to do this work. While they haven't been on the leading edge of recruitment for vaccine trials, they intend to play an important part. The president of Nashville's Meharry Medical College, Dr. James Hildreth, is an infectious disease researcher. But instead of overseeing the trial site being hosted on his campus, Hildreth has a more modest goal in mind: He plans to participate as a patient, and urge others to join him.
"I think my role is more important in advocating for people to be involved in vaccine studies than to be one of the leaders of the study," he said.
So at Meharry, Berthaud is the principal investigator. As lunch wraps up in the crowded conference room, he has managed to win over some holdouts.
"Where is the line?" asked Robert Smith. "Where do we sign?"
Smith, with his young grandson in tow, didn't raise his hand at first when asked if he'd take the vaccine. But after listening to Berthaud, Smith agreed to participate in the clinical trial — for no other reason than the trust he has in Berthaud, his longtime physician.
"He's not only my doctor; he's proven that he cares about me," Smith said.
Persuading hundreds or thousands of Black Americans to sign up will be difficult. But researchers hope their outreach efforts will at least result in more minorities agreeing to take an approved vaccine when available.