COLUMBIA, S.C. — It was a sleepy Saturday in mid-February. But Virginia Sanders was speaking, and the audience was rapt.
"One might not have the power. But a thousand has the power," she said. "Don't let anybody fool you that you don't."
Sanders, 76, has been an organizer and activist all her life. She marched in the civil rights movement. She protested against the Vietnam War. During the 2016 primary, friends recall, this petite black woman marched up to men in Ku Klux Klan robes to distribute flyers about then-candidate Bernie Sanders — no relation. (They took the papers, she said.)
Now, she is focused on a different battle, one that has captured liberals' imagination across the country: "Medicare-for-all."
Outside Washington, Sanders is among the ranks of activists readying for a fight, even in states where, backers acknowledge, this approach often isn't considered mainstream.
Organizers working with National Nurses United, the largest union and professional association for registered nurses in the U.S., have launched agrassroots campaign, championing a sweeping Medicare-for-allbillintroduced in Congress late last month by Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.) and Rep. Debbie Dingell (D-Mich.).
In states including Texas, Arizona, Louisiana, Idaho and Missouri, a series of events have been held to harness energy on the ground and to showcase enthusiasm — even in unlikely places — for the Medicare-for-all idea.
And that enthusiasm is sizable.
Sanders was speaking at what activists call a "barnstorm." The event was meant to turn the roughly three dozen people in this gray hotel conference room into foot soldiers in what's at best a sharply uphill health care fight.
Winning Medicare-for-all wouldn't be easy, Sanders told her audience of would-be activists, but she is still a believer.
"When I say South Carolina is a red state, it's a blood-red state," Sanders said after the event. "[But] if we can just educate people who live at or below the poverty level to vote with their best interest, we can change South Carolina."
The battle over healthcare reform is playing out in heated rhetoric on the national stage. Polling shows the concept has general support. But that backing wanes if respondents are told about potential consequences, such as eliminating private insurance or raising taxes.
Democrats seeking the party's 2020 presidential nomination are for the most part adopting the Medicare-for-all slogan head-on, though often hedging on specifics. Health industry interests are lining up in opposition. And Republicans decry it as "socialized medicine."
At this barnstorm in South Carolina's capital, about 36 people showed up to munch sandwiches and potato chips at what was effectively a two-hour organizing lesson in an off-election year — and on the same day as a visit here from Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand, a New York Democrat running for president.
The following afternoon, in Fayetteville, W.Va., about 30 came to a similar event, this one hosted above a local sandwich shop and bar. Activists sipped beers, swapped healthcare stories and planned phone banks and canvassing events to spread the word.
It's an unusual kind of energy around a policy that, before 2016, had been relegated to a progressive pipe dream.
"There is an incredible amount of activism among liberal communities, which also exist in conservative states," said Robert Blendon, a professor of health policy and political analysis at Harvard University. That activism, he added, could shape the Democratic primary and, by proxy, the 2020 presidential contest.
The Vibe On The Ground
The coalition pushing Medicare-for-all is widening — with what started as a signature proposal for Sen. Sanders' presidential campaign taking on broader appeal.
In Fayetteville, local Democrats who had fiercely supported Sanders or Hillary Clinton in the 2016 primary came together to learn about Medicare-for-all, said Chris Pennington, a 36-year-old substitute teacher and Bernie Sanders delegate in 2016.
Columbia's event certainly drew a familiar crew, said Lucero Mesa, 61, who organized it and co-chairs the local chapter of Our Revolution, a political action group with ties to Sanders' 2016 presidential campaign. But then her eyes widened as more attendees filed in: "I'm starting to see faces I don't recognize!"
On a national level, Medicare-for-all earns ire from Republican lawmakers. But "it's not a partisan issue" in a place like West Virginia, Pennington said. Indeed, polling from the Kaiser Family Foundation suggests that as many as a third of Republicans support the idea. (Kaiser Health News is an editorially independent program of the foundation.)
Following that Sunday's event, Pennington announced plans to set up a canvassing booth at the Fayetteville High School basketball game two days later.
Meanwhile, the thorny issue of whether to keep private insurance, a question that has already ensnared candidates, has less impact among these activists.
In the same breath as embracing legislation introduced by Sen. Sanders, which would effectively eliminate the insurance industry, organizers expressed openness to other policy approaches, as long as they kept certain broad principles intact.
When asked if the system in Sanders' bill — which is inspired by the Canadian health care model — would best serve American interests, Lawrence Nathaniel, a 25-year-old Columbia activist, didn't hesitate.
"I don't think we should be fighting to be like other countries. We should be fighting to be like our own," said Nathaniel, who campaigned for Sanders and then Clinton in the 2016 election and is planning his own campaign for Congress.
Virginia Sanders went a step further. Calling to get rid of private insurance might actually be "a mistake," she said.
"We can let the American people have input," she added.
To be sure, even though the Medicare-for-all message faces skepticism in many other red-state locations, it still tilts the health care debate. In Texas, for instance, activists acknowledge that this kind of sweeping reform is improbable but say it has opened the discussion up to incremental ideas, such as pursuing the Affordable Care Act's Medicaid expansion — also still considered a long shot.
It also could have far-reaching political ramifications. The activists organizing now, Blendon noted, are likely to vote in the upcoming Democratic primaries.
"A lot of these groups will … turn out in states you don't expect," he said. "There is a general principle running through part of the Democratic Party. And the principle is they want universal coverage, and a very strong role for government."
For someone like Virginia Sanders, it's not so much a political issue as a moral one.
"We have to fight. Freedom isn't free," she said. "Power concedes nothing. It has to be taken."
Between 2009 and 2017 the wholesale price of a single vial of Humalog, the Eli Lilly and Co.-manufactured insulin, nearly tripled — rising from $92.70 to $274.70.
This article was first published on Tuesday, March 12 in Kaiser Health News.
When Erin Gilmer filled her insulin prescription at a Denver-area Walgreens in January, she paid $8.50. U.S. taxpayers paid another $280.51.
"It eats at me to know that taxpayer money is being wasted," said Gilmer, who has Medicare and was diagnosed with Type 1 diabetes while a sophomore at the University of Colorado in 2002.
The diagnosis meant that for the rest of her life she'd require daily insulin shots to stay alive. But the price of that insulin is skyrocketing.
Between 2009 and 2017 the wholesale price of a single vial of Humalog, the Eli Lilly and Co.-manufactured insulin Gilmer uses, nearly tripled — rising from $92.70 to $274.70, according to data from IBM Watson Health.
Six years ago, Gilmer qualified for Social Security Disability Insurance — and thus, Medicare — because of a range of health issues. At the time, the insulin she needed cost $167.70 per vial, according to IBM Watson Health.
"When it's taxpayer money paying for medication for someone like me, it makes it a national issue, not just a diabetic issue," Gilmer said.
Stories about people with Type 1 diabetes dying when they couldn’t afford insulin have made headlines. Patient activists like Gilmer have protested high prices outside Lilly’s headquarters in Indianapolis.
This is the backdrop for Lilly's announcement last week that it is rolling out a half-priced, generic version of Humalog called "insulin lispro" The list price: $137.35 per vial.
"Patients, doctors and policymakers are demanding lower list prices for medicines and lower patient costs at the pharmacy counter," Eli Lilly CEO David Ricks wrote in a blog post about the move. "You might be surprised to hear that we agree – it's time for change in our system and for consumer prices to come down."
No Panacea
When Lilly’s Humalog, the first short-acting insulin, came to market in 1996, the list price was about $21 per vial. The price didn’t reach $275 overnight, but yearly price increases added up.
In February 2009, for example, the wholesale price was $92.70, according to IBM Watson Health. It rose to $99.65 in December 2009, then to $107.60 in September 2010, $115.70 in May 2011, and so on.
"There's no justification for why prices should keep increasing at an average rate of 10% every year,” said Inmaculada Hernandez of the University of Pittsburgh School of Pharmacy, who was lead author of a January report in Health Affairs attributing the skyrocketing cost of prescription drugs to accumulated yearly price hikes.
"The public perception that we have in general is that drugs are so expensive because we need to pay for research and development, and that's true," Hernandez said. "However, usually research and development is paid for in the first years of life of a drug."
At $137.35 per vial, Lilly’s generic insulin is priced at about the same level as Humalog was in 2012, 16 years after it came to market.
"We want to recognize that this is not a panacea," said company spokesman Greg Kueterman. "This is an option that we hope can help people in the current system that we work with."
It's worth noting that Humalog is a rapid-acting insulin, but that’s only one of the two types of insulin most people with Type 1 diabetes use every day. The second kind is long-lasting. Lilly makes one called Basaglar. The most popular long-lasting insulin is Lantus, produced by Sanofi. Neither has a lower-cost alternative.
Still, Lilly's move on Humalog could put pressure on the other two big makers of insulin to act.
Novo Nordisk called Lilly's lower-priced generic insulin "an important development," in an emailed statement.
"Bringing affordable insulin to the market requires ideas from all stakeholders," Novo Nordisk's Ken Inchausti said in an email, which also listed steps the company has taken, such as a patient assistance program. The statement didn't say whether Novo Nordisk is considering offering a lower-priced version of its popular insulin Novolog, a rival of Humalog.
A statement from Sanofi, the third major insulin maker, also didn't say whether the company would offer lower-priced versions of its insulins.
"Sanofi supports any actions that increase access to insulins for patients living with diabetes at an affordable price," spokewoman Ashleigh Kosssaid in the email, which also touted the company’s patient assistance program.
A Different Kind Of Generic
One twist in this story is that Lilly's new insulin is just a repackaged version of Humalog, minus the brand name. It's called an "authorized generic."
"Whoever came up with the term 'authorized generic'?" Dr. Vincent Rajkumar said, laughing. Rajkumar is a hematologist at the Mayo Clinic in Rochester, Minn.
"It's the same exact drug" as the brand name, he continued.
Typically, Rajkumar said, authorized generics are introduced by brand-name drugmakers to compete with generic versions of their drugs made by rival companies.
But in the case of Humalog and other insulins, there are no generics made by competitors, as there are for, say, the cholesterol medicine Lipitor or even other diabetes drugs, such as metformin.
So when Lilly's authorized generic comes to market, the company will have both Humalog insulin and the authorized generic version of that medicine on the market.
Rajkumar said it's a public relations move.
"There's outrage over the price of insulin that is being discussed in Congress and elsewhere. And so the company basically says, 'Hey, we will make the identical product available at half price.' On the surface that sounds great," Rajkumar said.
"But you look at the problems and you think, 'OK, how crazy is this that someone is actually going to be buying the brand-name drug?'"
In fact, it's possible that Lilly could break even or profit off its authorized generic compared to the name-brand Humalog, according to University of Pittsburgh's Hernandez.
The profit margin would depend on the rebates paid by the company to insurers and pharmacy benefit managers. Rebates are getting a lot of attention these days as one factor that pushes drug prices higher. They're usually not disclosed and increase as a drug's price increases, providing an incentive to some companies to raise prices.
"Doing an authorized generic is nothing else than giving insurers two options," Hernandez said: pay the full list price for a brand-name drug and receive a higher rebate, or pay the lower price for the authorized generic and receive a presumably smaller rebate.
"What we really need to get insulin prices down is to get generics into the market, and we need more than one," Hernandez said, adding that previous research has shown that prices begin to go down when two or three generics are competing in the marketplace.
Even so, Lillly's Kueterman said the authorized generic insulin "is going to help hopefully move the system towards a more sustainable model."
"I can guarantee you the reason that we're doing this is to help people," Kueterman said, noting the company's Diabetes Solution Center has also helped "10,000 people each month pay significantly less for their insulin" since it opened in August.
For Erin Gilmer, the news about an authorized generic insulin from Lilly has left her mildly encouraged.
"It sounds really good, and it will help some people, which is great," Gilmer said. "It's Eli Lilly and pharma starting to understand that grassroots activism has to be taken seriously, and we are at a tipping point."
This story is part of a partnership that includes NPR and Kaiser Health News.
As healthcare providers battle to get the outbreaks under control, one of their biggest challenges is communicating to people that measles is a menacing disease to be taken seriously.
This story was first published Monday, March 11, 2019, by Kaiser Health News.
The Rockland County, N.Y., woman hadn't told her obstetrician that she had a fever and rash, two key signs of a measles infection. A member of the Orthodox Jewish community there, she went into premature labor at 34 weeks, possibly as a result of the infection. Her baby was born with measles and spent his first 10 days in the neonatal intensive care unit.
The infant is home now, but "we don’t know how this baby will do," said Dr. Patricia Schnabel Ruppert, the health commissioner for Rockland County. When young children contract measles, they face a heightened risk of complications from the disease, including seizures or hearing and vision problems down the road.
The measles case Ruppert described is just one of many. New York state's outbreaks, which began last October, have gone on longer and infected more people than any other current outbreak nationwide. More than 275 cases of the disease have been confirmed statewide through the first week of March, primarily in the New York City borough of Brooklyn and in Rockland County towns northwest of the city.
That total makes up about half of the 578 confirmed cases in 11 states that were reported nationwideby the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention from January 2018 through the end of last month. Washington state, with 76 cases by the end of February, has the second-highest number of cases.
Measles cases in New York have been concentrated among children from Orthodox Jewish families, many of whom attend religious schools where vaccination rates may have been below the 95% threshold considered necessary to maintain immunity. The outbreaks began when unvaccinated travelers returned from Israel, where an outbreak persists, and spread the disease here.
Besides geographic proximity, cultural identity may contribute to an outbreak taking hold in the close-knit Orthodox community — a feeling that their worldview is not in keeping with modern secular society, said Samuel Heilman, a Queens College sociology professor who has authored several books about Orthodox Jews.
"It's about a view that we have our ways and they have their ways," he said.
Although some Orthodox Jews claim that vaccinations are against Jewish law, that’s not correct, said Dr. Aaron Glatt, who is also a rabbi and chairman of the department of medicine at South Nassau Communities Hospital on Long Island. "There's not a single opinion that says vaccination is against Jewish law," he said.
As public health officials and health care providers battle to get the outbreaks under control, one of their biggest challenges is communicating to people that measles is a menacing disease to be taken seriously.
"People don't want to get vaccines because they don't think they need them," said Dr. Paul Offit, director of the Vaccine Education Center at Children's Hospital of Philadelphia.
The public may have grown complacent. Before the vaccine program began in the United States in 1963, as many as 4 million people became infected every year. Nearly 50,000 were hospitalized and up to 500 people died annually. By 2000, measles was a disease that public health officials said was essentially eradicated in the U.S., thanks to a comprehensive vaccine program that reduced the number of cases by 99%.
But measles has crept back in recent years, in part because of fears fanned by anti-vaccine activists who have claimed, without evidence, that vaccines cause a variety of problems, including autism.
The measles virus is still a problem in some other countries, and unvaccinated people may bring the virus back with them and infect others.
The virus is exquisitely contagious. If an infected person coughs or talks, droplets can remain in the air or land on a surface and cause infection for hours. Ninety percentof people who are exposed and susceptible will become infected. While a fever and red rash that spreads from the face down along the body are common symptoms, side effects can be serious and even lethal, especially for young children and people with compromised immune systems.
In an effort to contain New York's outbreaks, Ruppert initiallyprohibited 6,000 children at 60 mostly religious schools and day care centers in Rockland County from attending class because they hadn't been vaccinated. As more children have been vaccinated and the school vaccination rates have reached 95%, those numbers have dropped. But about 3,800 students at 35 schools are still excluded from attending.
In Brooklyn, 1,800 students at 140 schools were originally affected, said Dr. Jane Zucker, assistant commissioner for the Bureau of Immunization at the New York City Health Department. Those numbers have declined somewhat as well.
Since the outbreaks began, Rockland County health care providers have administered more than 16,000 vaccines, while New York City has provided more than 7,000 shots.
The measles, mumps and rubella vaccine is given in two doses, the first when a child is between 12 and 15 months old, and the second between ages 4 and 6. It is 97% effective in preventing the disease.
In New York and nearly every other state, children may be exempted from vaccination requirements for medical or religious reasons. Seventeen states allow parents not to vaccinate their children for philosophical reasons, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures, but New York is not one of them.
Concerns about contracting measles aren't limited to people who are part of the Orthodox Jewish community. Heilman said that one of his daughters-in-law likes to shop at a kosher supermarket in Rockland County, not far from her home in suburban White Plains. But with an 11-month-old daughter who hasn't yet been vaccinated, she doesn't want to take any risks. As long as the threat of measles continues, his daughter-in-law is shopping elsewhere, Heilman said.
The Department of Defense has reportedly drafted proposals to convert more than 17,000 medical positions into fighting and support positions — a 13% reduction in medical personnel.
This story was first published Monday, March 11, 2019, byKaiser Health News.
The U.S. military is devising major reductions in its medical corps, unnerving the system's advocates who fear the cuts will hobble the armed forces' ability to adequately care for health problems of military personnel at home and abroad.
The move inside the military coincides with efforts by the Trump administration to privatize care for veterans. The Department of Veterans Affairs last month proposed rules that would allow veterans to use private hospitals and clinics if government primary care facilities are not nearby or if they have to wait too long for an appointment.
Shrinking the medical corps within the armed forces is proving more contentious and complex. In 2017, a Republican-controlled Congress mandated changes in what a Senate Armed Services Committee report described as "an under-performing, disjointed health system" with "bloated medical headquarters staffs" and "inevitable turf wars." The directive sought a greater emphasis for military doctors on combat-related needs while transferring other care to civilian providers.
Details of reductions have yet to be finalized, a military spokeswoman said. But within the system and among alumni, trepidation has increased since Military.com, an online military and veterans organization, reported in January that the Department of Defense had drafted proposals to convert more than 17,000 medical positions into fighting and support positions — a 13% reduction in medical personnel.
"That would be a drastic first cut," said Dr. David Lane, a retired rear admiral and former director of the Walter Reed National Military Medical Center in Bethesda, Md.
At most risk in the current planning are positions that aren't considered essential to troops overseas, such as training spots for new doctors and jobs that can be outsourced to private physicians and hospitals — obstetricians and primary care doctors, for example. The reductions may also limit the military’s medical humanitarian assistance and relief for foreign natural disasters and disease outbreaks.
Even in war zones, Lane warned, it would be a mistake to downplay the importance of contributions by doctors who do not specialize in trauma. In the 1991 invasion of Kuwait, for instance, cases of diseases and non-battle injuries rather than combat injuries created the most medical work, he said.
Doctors who train in the military's highly regarded medical school — who have committed to serve in the armed forces after training— and those who do military residencies account for much of the staff serving troops overseas. A major deployment could leave the military flatfooted, said Dr. John Prescott, a former Army physician.
"The majority of folks in the military don't stay in for their whole career, they stay in for a few years," Prescott said. "I'm concerned there will be a very small cohort that will be available for deployment in the future."
The military health system is responsible for more than 1.4 million active-duty and 331,000 reserve personnel, with 54 hospitals and 377 military clinics around the world. Split among the Navy, Army and Air Force, each with its own doctors and hospitals, the service has been targeted for years for overhaul to reduce redundancies and save costs.
The department has already started moving administrative functions under one bureaucracy, called the Defense Health Agency, which is slated to take over the service branch hospitals in 2021.
The budget for the next fiscal year is still being developed and final decisions have not yet been made, a Department of Defense spokeswoman, Lt. Col. Carla Gleason, said in an email. "Any reforms that do result will be driven by the Department's efforts to ensure our medical personnel are ready to provide battlefield care in support of our forces, and to provide the outstanding medical benefits that Service members, retirees and their families deserve," she said.
For years, critics of the broad role of the military health services have argued that many medical corps services — such as maternity care and pediatrics on bases — could be provided more effectively by civilian doctors and hospitals.
But Lane said there is too much focus on the high-profile trauma cases on the battlefield "that at the end of the day are a small portion" of medical care. "When we're trying to put things back together that got broken during a war," he said, "that's what you need the most of — pediatricians, public health doctors, primary care doctors."
Some studies commissioned by the department have concluded private hospitals could deliver less costly care, in part because doctors at hospitals take care of more patients. But the Congressional Budget Office said savingswere not at all certain and that military hospitals might be less expensive if the government arranged for greater use of them.
Brad Carson and Morgan Plummer, who held senior jobs in the Department of Defense during President Barack Obama's administration, argued in a 2016 essaythat the military isn't the best training for surgeons because it doesn't provide them with a sufficient number of cases to develop expertise.
The military health system "has too much infrastructure, the wrong mix of providers, and predominantly serves the needs of beneficiaries who could easily have their healthcare needs satisfied by civilian providers at far less cost and with equal or better quality," they wrote.
The government this year is spending $50 billion on the military health system, including Tricare insurance for more than9 million active-duty service members, veterans, families and survivors, according to Congress’ budget office. That is roughly a tenth of the military budget. The CBO projected costs are on track to increase to $63 billion in 2033.
Defenders of the system reject the idea that non-wartime jobs can be eliminated without it hurting that core mission.
"Military healthcare providers between deployments maintain their clinical skills by treating service members and millions of beneficiaries," Dr. Arthur Kellermann, dean of the school of medicine at the Uniformed Services University in Bethesda, wrote in a 2017 Health Affairs article. "Military hospitals provide valuable platforms for teaching the next generation of uniformed healthcare professionals and standby capacity for combat casualties."
Prescott, the former Army doctor, said that the military may have trouble turning to civilian doctors in some regions given physician shortages, which he said the military cuts would exacerbate.
"Most hospitals are already pretty full, most healthcare providers are pretty busy,” said Prescott, now chief academic officer at the Association of American Medical Colleges.
Doctor shortages would increase if the military cut the slots it now has to train doctors, because there wouldn't be new civilian residencies created to compensate. "Those positions basically disappear," he said.
Kathryn Beasley, a retired Navy captain who is director of government relations for health affairs at the Military Officers Association of America, said she was also concerned with unforeseen consequences of dramatic cuts.
"Everything's tied together, there’s a lot of interdependencies in these things," she said. "You pull a string on one and you might feel it in an area you don't expect."
CMS Administrator Seema Verma has enlisted the public in an unusual effort to monitor whether hospitals are complying with a new requirement that they post their 'list' prices on line.
This story was first published Friday, March 8, 2019, byKaiser Health News.
With much fanfare, federal officials required hospitals nationwide this year to post their "list" prices online. But it’s not yet clear how many are doing it, even as the government has taken the rare step of asking consumers to monitor hospital compliance.
Most hospitals appear to be complying with the rule, according to hospital officials and a small sampling of websites.
However, the feds acknowledge they are not yet enforcing the rule, industry groups are not monitoring compliance, many hospitals are burying the information on their websites, and debate continues about whether the price lists are creating more confusion than clarity among consumers.
The rule took effect Jan. 1, after a year-long controversy about its necessity and usefulness. It requires every hospital in the country — about 6,000 — to post its full price list online.
The lists, known in the industry as "chargemasters," present prices for the thousands of individual services and products for which a hospital may bill — everything from the price for a bed per day, blood tests and surgical operating room time (billed in 15-minute intervals) to the cost of a single Tylenol tablet.
The problem: Services and products are identified in obscure abbreviations, billing codes and medical terminology that even doctors or nurses often don't understand.
Additionally, the chargemaster lists only rarely reflect final billed charges because insurers and the government generally negotiate significantly lower prices. In most cases, these posted rates are the highest a hospital would ever charge per service.
Even so, officials at the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services said full public disclosure was a logical first step in a transparency initiative aimed at eventually encompassing physician and prescription drug prices.
CMS contends the listings will help patients compare facilities, spur competition among hospitals to lower prices and prompt software developers to build tools that consumers can use to comparison shop.
"We think this information will empower patients," said Seema Verma, the CMS administrator. "And we look forward to seeing consumers continue to drive the demand for hospitals to provide greater price transparency."
Verma has enlisted the public in an unusual effort to monitor whether hospitals are complying. In appearances, opinion pieces and through social media, she has urged consumers to check their local hospitals’ websites to see if chargemaster lists are posted and let the agency know if they are not.
While putting off enforcing the law, CMS has instead invited hospitals, other health care stakeholders and the public to weigh in on possible enforcement mechanisms, as well as to suggest future price transparency measures. Hundreds of comments have been submitted.
At the agency-initiated Twitter site #WheresthePrice, a dialogue has ensued. In one case, a Texas man, Matt Kleiber, checked 31 hospitals and medical centers in Houston and found one health system, Memorial Hermann, which operates 16 hospitals, not in compliance.
After a reporter's inquiry, Kathryn Williams, a spokeswoman for Memorial Hermann, said in early February that the hospital system was in compliance. She said they interpreted the government's rule as allowing a shorter, easier-to-understand price list to be posted.
Subsequently, in late February, the hospital posted its full chargemaster list, as the regulation requires.
"What we posted [initially] was much easier for our patients to understand," said Williams. "We don't think the chargemaster list is helpful … and we stand by our position that the information we have had posted on our website since Jan. 1 is consistent with CMS’s guidance."
Other reports of noncompliance at #WheresthePrice appeared to be the result of incomplete website explorations by consumers. A KHN check of the websites of six cited hospitals showed the price lists were posted. On all but one of the sites, however, the information was not prominently displayed.
About a dozen hospital websites reviewed by KHN included an accompanying — and often prominent — disclaimer saying the information doesn't reflect typical final charges and is difficult to understand.
Accompanying its chargemaster list, for example, Saline Memorial Hospital in Benton, Ark., states: "The amount listed [for each service] is not necessarily reflective of your actual financial responsibility. … We recommend that all patients contact their insurer or Saline Health System to discuss their individual situations and determine the potential out-of-pocket costs of their care."
Ariel Levin, senior associate director of state issues at the American Hospital Association, said hospitals have been reluctant to draw too much attention to their price lists.
"Most hospitals think this information will not help patients," Levin said. "And many think it only confuses people."
Levin said the AHA is not monitoring its members' compliance, and she doesn't think other hospital trade groups are either.
"But all the hospital websites we have checked so far have been in compliance, and we believe the vast majority are abiding by the rule," Levin said. Small rural hospitals may take longer to comply, she added.
CMS and the AHA said a few hospitals offer consumer-friendly price transparency that goes significantly beyond the chargemaster price lists.
St. Luke's University Health Network, a 10-hospital system with 300 outpatient clinics in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, several years ago launched an online tool with two features, "PriceLock" and "PriceChecker."
Francine Botek, the hospital's senior vice president for finance, said PriceLock allows patients to get an all-inclusive price for most — 80% — of the hospital's outpatient services even if a patient doesn't enter insurance information. PriceChecker permits people to enter insurance information and other data to help calculate their out-of-pocket costs.
The tools are only slowly gaining traction among consumers, said Botek. In 2018, 35,200 people used PriceChecker, averaging about 2,500 a month. Over the past three years, about 3,600 have used PriceLock.
The University of Utah, which owns four hospitals, has a similar online out-of-pocket cost estimator for about 600 common (mostly outpatient) services and procedures — giving a single price that rolls up itemized charges for each. People with or without insurance can use the tool. Those without insurance get an across-the-board 30% discount off the list price, and deeper discounts are sometimes available.
Kathy Delis, who oversees billing at University of Utah Health, said the hospital system plans this year to market the tool to the public more aggressively.
"It's going to take time to engage patients," Delis said. "We have urged CMS to move beyond the chargemaster rule as soon as possible."
A few states require hospitals to give consumers price estimates. The laws are limited in scope, however. In 2018, Colorado became the latest state to enact such a law. It mandates that hospitals post "self-pay" prices for the 50 conditions that yield the most revenue from Medicare. Doctors must also post prices for their 15 most popular procedures.
An older California law requires hospitals to disclose prices for the top 26 outpatient services by revenue.
A spokesperson for CMS said the agency plans to issue its next regulation on hospital price transparency this year.
The FDA has let medical device companies file reports of injuries and malfunctions outside a widely scrutinized public database, which leave doctors and medical sleuths in the dark.
This story was first published Thursday, March 7, 2019, byKaiser Health News.
Dr. Douglas Kwazneski was helping a Pittsburgh surgeon remove an appendix when something jarring happened. The surgical stapler meant to cut and seal the tissue around the appendix locked up.
Kwazneski later turned to the Food and Drug Administration's public database that tracks medical device failures and "there was nothing," he said. Yet when he surveyed leading surgeons on the matter, he discovered that more than two-thirds had experienced a stapler malfunction, or knew a peer who did. Such failures can have deadly consequences.
Kwazneski had no idea the FDA had quietly granted the makers of surgical staplers a special "exemption" allowing them to file reports of malfunctions in a database hidden from doctors and from public view.
"I don't want to sound overdramatic here, but it seemed like a cover-up," said Kwazneski, who practiced in Pasco County, Fla., from 2016 through earlier this year.
The FDA has built and expanded a vast and hidden repository of reports on device-related injuries and malfunctions, a Kaiser Health News investigation shows. Since 2016, at least 1.1 million incidents have flowed into the internal "alternative summary reporting" repository, instead of being described individually in the widely scrutinized public database known as MAUDE, which medical experts trust to identify problems that could put patients in jeopardy.
Deaths must still be reported in MAUDE. But the hidden database has included serious injury and malfunction reports for about 100 medical devices, according to the FDA, many implanted in patients or used in countless surgeries. They have included surgical staplers, balloon pumps snaked into vessels to improve circulation and mechanical breathing machines.
An FDA official said that the program is for issues that are "well-known and well-documented with the FDA" and that it was reformed in 2017 as a new voluntary summary reporting program was put in place for up to 5,600 devices.
Yet the program, in all its iterations, has been so obscure that it is unknown to many of the doctors and engineers dedicated to improving device safety. Even a former FDA commissioner said he knew nothing of the program.
KHN pored over reams of public records for oblique references to reporting exemptions. After months of questions to the FDA, the agency confirmed the existence of reporting-exemption programs and thousands of never-before-acknowledged instances of malfunctions or harm.
Amid the blackout in information about device risks, patients have been injured, hundreds of times in some cases, lawsuits and FDA records show.
"The public has a right to know about this," said Dr. S. Lori Brown, a former FDA official who accessed the data for her research. She said doctors relying just on the public reports — and unaware that many incidents may be omitted — can easily reach the wrong conclusion about the safety record of a particular device.
The FDA has also opened additional — and equally obscure — pathways for device makers to report thousands of injuries brought to light by lawsuits or even deaths that appear in private registries that medical societies use to track patients. Those exemptions apply to risky and controversial products, including pelvic mesh and devices implanted in the heart.
FDA spokeswoman Deborah Kotz confirmed that the "registry exemption" was created without any public notice or regulations. "Any device manufacturer can request an exemption from its reporting requirements," she said in an email.
Agency records provided to KHN show that more than 480,000 injuries or malfunctions were reported through the alternative summary reporting program in 2017 alone.
Alison Hunt, another FDA spokeswoman, said the majority of device makers' "exemptions" were revoked that year as a program took shape that requires a "placeholder" report to be filed publicly.
More than a million reports of malfunctions or harm spanning about 15 years remain in a database accessible only to the FDA. But with the agency's new transparency push, the public may find a public report and submit a Freedom of Information Act request to get information about incidents. A response can take up to two years.
The long-standing exemption program "has allowed the FDA to more efficiently review adverse events … and take action when warranted without sacrificing the quality of our review or the information we receive," Hunt said in an email.
To those outside the agency, though, the exceptions to the reporting rules are troubling. They strike Madris Tomes, a former FDA manager, as the agency surrendering some of the strongest oversight and transparency powers it wields.
"The FDA is basically giving away its authority over device manufacturers," said Tomes, who now runs Device Events, a website that makes FDA device data user-friendly. "If they've given that up, they've handed over their ability to oversee the safety and effectiveness of these devices."
Doctors, like Kwazneski, who have turned to the public data to gauge the risks of surgical staplers have seen little. He wrote aboutthe "unacknowledged" problem of stapler malfunctions in a 2013 article in the journal Surgical Endoscopy. In 2016, while reports of 84 stapler injuries or malfunctions were openly submitted, nearly 10,000 malfunction reports were included in the hidden database, according to the FDA.
Device maker Medtronic, which owns stapler maker Covidien, has been describedas the market leader in surgical staplers. A company spokesman said that the firm has used reporting exemptions to file stapler-related reports through July 2017. Ethicon, the other major stapler maker, said it has not.
The public database shows that Medtronic has reported more than 250 deaths related to staplers or staples since 2001.
Mark Levering, 62, nearly lost his life after a stapler malfunction early last year, according to a lawsuit filed by his family. His surgeon has testified that a surgical stapler misfired during his liver surgery at ProMedica Toledo Hospital in Ohio.
Staff performed CPR for 22 minutes while surgeons rushed to suture the severed vein. He emerged from a coma unable to walk or consistently recognize his wife and son. The surgeon, hospital and device maker Covidien have denied allegations of wrongdoing in an ongoing legal case.
Told of the reporting "exemption" for surgical staplers, his wife, Doris Levering, was incredulous.
"Why would this information not be made available to doctors? The true information — I mean the actual numbers …" she said. "People's lives are at stake. Mark's life will never be the same."
The Stapler Problem
The sheer number of malfunctions made surgical staplers an easy pick for the new alternative summary reporting program at its inception nearly 20 years ago, according to Larry Kessler, a former FDA official and now a University of Washington health services professor.
Surgical staplers have a unique ability to help — or harm — patients. The device is designed to cut and seal tissues or vessels quickly, often during minimally invasive surgeries. When it fails to seal a major blood vessel, medical staff can quickly shift into "code blue" mode to rescue a patient from bleeding to death.
The severity of some of the injuries caught former FDA official Brown's attention in the early years of its reporting exemption. Her 2004 article on stapler mishaps, published in the Journal of the American College of Surgeons, accounts for one of the few places in public records where an FDA authority mentions the "alternative summary" program. She found that in the first 28 months of filing to the hidden database, stapler makers filed more than 5,100 reports of malfunctions or injuries.
She also noted that the publicly reported 112 stapler-related deaths in patients aged 22 to 91 from 1994 to 2001 were a "reason for concern."
In the public data filed since, it would appear that the staplers rarely misfire. In 2011, only 18 injury or malfunction reports were filed publicly. Last year, the number was 79.
Lawsuits detail how quickly a stapler failure can turn a smooth surgery into a catastrophe.
In Michigan, Eugene Snook's surgeon was in the process of removing part of his lung when he cut but couldn't seal a major vessel due to a "stapler malfunction," the surgeon said in sworn court testimony. Snook, then 59, had no detectable blood pressure for four minutes during the 2012 surgery.
The damage to Snook’s artery was so great, his surgeon decided to remove his lung completely, medical records filed in court say. Snook sued stapler maker Covidien, which in court records said there was no proof the stapler was unsafe when it left Covidien's control and also that the surgeon used it improperly. The case reached a confidential settlement in 2017.
Another surgeon attempting to remove a benign liver growth from April Strange, 33, in 2013, testified that a stapler malfunction caused the woman to bleed to death. Strange, of central Illinois, left behind a husband and two daughters, then 6 and 8.
The stapler was thrown out after surgery, court records say. Covidien argued in court records that Ryan Strange couldn't prove that the stapler had a specific defect.
Covidien reached an agreement to settle the family’s claims for $250,000, part of a larger settlement in the case.
Doctors initially thought Mark Levering had liver cancer. So when the diagnosis came back as an abscess that needed to be surgically removed last February, it came as a relief to his wife, Doris.
That relief turned to dread the day of surgery. The procedure was supposed to last two hours, she said. But the surgery hit a snag when the stapler "misfired," according to the surgeon, causing so much bleeding that the minimally invasive procedure was converted to an open procedure so the doctor could suture the vein.
Levering underwent CPR for 22 minutes. A code blue was called, a nurse testified. Levering lost 3 quarts of blood — about half the blood in his body. He was put on life support and would remain in a coma for weeks.
After Levering reopened his eyes, it was clear that the man who used to tend to stray cats and enjoy dinner out with his family was gone. Levering could no longer walk, comb his hair or recognize the letters of the alphabet.
Doris and Mark Levering have sued the doctor, hospital and surgical stapler maker, alleging that the device caused Mark's bleeding and brain injury. The surgeon has acknowledged in sworn testimony that the stapler malfunctioned, but denied other wrongdoing. The hospital said in a legal filing that its actions were "prudent, proper" and "lawful."
Covidien denies any defect with the stapler or that it caused Levering's injuries. A spokesman for parent company Medtronic declined to comment further on any lawsuit but said that "we always make patient safety our top priority" and that the company complies with FDA requirements.
The company's reports of stapler problems in the public database remain relatively low. But in 2018, with the reporting exemption gone, a spike of reports emerged for Covidien's staples — not to be confused with staplers. While Medtronic reported 1,000 staple malfunctions or injuries in 2015, the number soared to 11,000 for 2018.
Rolling Out The Program
The alternative summary reporting program started two decades ago with a simple goal: to cut down on redundant paperwork, according to officials who were at the FDA at the time.
Kessler, the former FDA official, said the program took shape after scandals over under-reporting of device problems spurred changes allowing criminal penalties against device companies.
Soon, thousands of injury and malfunction reports poured into the agency each month, with about 15 staff members dedicated to reviewing them, Kessler said. Many reports were so similar that reviewing them individually was "mind-numbing." Kessler went to the FDA's legal department and to device manufacturers to propose a solution.
Device makers would be able to seek a special "exemption" to avoid reporting certain complications to the public database. The manufacturers would instead send the FDA a spreadsheet of injury or malfunctions each quarter, half-year or year.
That way, Kessler said, reviewers could quickly look for new problems or spikes in known issues. When the program launched in 2000, the list of exempted devices was made public and only a few devices were involved, Kessler said.
"I don't know why it's not [made public] now," he said. "I'm surprised about that."
Starting in September, KHN filed Freedom of Information Act requests for "exemption" agreements and reports for several medical devices. Health and Human Services officials denied an appeal to provide some of the records quickly, concluding there was no "compelling need" for haste. For one request, the records were estimated to arrive in 22 months.
The FDA declined to provide a complete list of "about 100" devices that have been granted reporting exemptions over the years, but confirmed that exemptions have been used for mechanical breathing machines and balloon pumps, known as intra-aortic balloon pumps, inserted in the vessels of people with circulation problems.
An FDA spokeswoman said "alternative summary" exemptions remain in place for pacemaker electrodes and implantable defibrillators.
Matthew Baretich, a biomedical engineer in the Denver area, said he helps several area health systems analyze device-related patient injuries and make equipment-purchasing decisions.
He said he regularly scans the FDA's public device-injury reports. Asked about "alternative summary" reports, he said, "I've got to tell you, that's a new term to me."
Bruce Barkalow, president of a Michigan-based biomedical engineering firm, said he's the guy government officials, attorneys or device makers call if someone gets a pacemaker and dies in the shower three days later.
In an interview, he said he was not aware of the reports, either. He said they may appear to the FDA to be a "nothing burger," but the data would be meaningful to his forensic investigations.
The ECRI Institute, a nonprofit leader in medical device safety, declined to provide an engineer for an interview. Educating hospital leaders and health providers, the institute issues an annual "Top 10" in medical technology hazards. Its tagline: "Separating fact from fiction in healthcare."
Among the institute's "top medical device subject matter experts," spokeswoman Laurie Menyo said in an email, "none of them had any familiarity with FDA's Alternative Summary Reporting Program."
Even Dr. Robert Califf, former FDA deputy commissioner and commissioner from 2015 to 2017, said in an interview that he was unaware of the program. "Never heard anything about it," he said. "It's interesting."
Companies that get the exemptions tend to be very "tight-lipped" about them, said Christine Posin, a former device firm manager and consultant to device companies.
The relative secrecy around the program can give them an advantage, she said. For instance, sales representatives can print out only the public reports of device problems, ignoring what's buried elsewhere.
That creates a business opportunity to persuade a doctor to try a different device. "'We have a good product that does the same thing,'" Posin said a sales representative might tell a physician.
Exemptions Multiply
The FDA has spent millions, convened experts and pledged to improve its work in device safety in recent years. All the while, it has quietly opened new avenues for the makers of controversial and risky devices to file injury and even death reports with little public review.
Pelvic mesh is one example. The fabric-like device has long been used to hold up pelvic organs in women experiencing organ prolapse. In 2011, the FDA issued a "safety communication" saying "serious complications" like pain or infection were "not rare."
The agency soon reclassified the device, ordered safety studies and saw most mesh makers remove the device from the market.
Behind closed doors, though, the agency has since granted pelvic mesh makers a special exemption from reporting injuries to the public, according to the FDA and mesh makers who were asked about the practices.
Under what the FDA calls the "litigation complaint summary reporting" exemption, device makers can file a single placeholder "injury" report. Attached to the summary report, device makers have sent the FDA a spreadsheet with as many as 1,175 reports of patient injuries, based on allegations in lawsuits.
To someone tallying the overall number of injuries related to pelvic mesh, the report would appear as a single injury. It would take a sharp eye to find the summary report and a special request — taking up to two years to be filled — to get the details on the 1,175 cases submitted directly to the FDA.
According to the FDA, in 2017 alone, eight mesh makers used their exemptions to send nearly 12,000 injury reports to the FDA.
Dr. M. Tom Margolis, a urogynecologist in the San Francisco Bay Area and an expert medical witness for those who are suing mesh makers, said a program that might hinder doctors relying on open FDA data to assess the risks of mesh is "horrible" and "unethical."
"We need to know the good and the bad," said Margolis, who treats patients in his urogynecology practice. "If you're trying to hide complications from me, well that's … wrong, my God, it's heinous."
The FDA issued the same kind of exemption to the makers of da Vinci surgical robots months after Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine researchers pointed out that the company was filing a notably small number of injury reports in the public database. Johns Hopkins professor Dr. Marty Makary noted in 2013 that the handful of reports sent to the FDA at the time were signs of a "haphazard" system that is "not independent and not transparent."
Within months, the FDA allowed the makers of the robots to file a single report, noting that a spreadsheet sent straight to the FDA summarizes about 1,400 injuries alleged in lawsuits, with some injuries dating to 2004. Since then, the device maker has reported smaller batches of 99and 130 injuries at a time.
"This is very frustrating," said Homa Alemzadeh, an assistant professor of computer engineering at the University of Virginia who is working with MAUDE data to create software to identify errors in real time or before they happen in surgeries performed by robots. She said she was not aware of the reporting exemption.
Under another reporting exemption, the FDA is allowing device makers to report hundreds of death cases in spreadsheets sent directly to the agency.
Under the "registry exemption," device makers can summarize what they learn from registries that tend to be held by specialty medical societies, and track the use of a certain kind of device, according to FDA spokeswoman Kotz.
Kotz said the data in registries often falls short of the level of detail that the FDA seeks for the more thorough death reports that device makers are required to file.
Device makers filing such reports include Edwards Lifesciences, which makes the Sapien 3 valve that's snaked through a vessel and implanted in the heart. Some hail the device as a breakthrough for saving patients from the trauma of open-heart surgery to replace a valve. Others raise concerns over limited data showing how long the valve will last in the body.
The summary reports offer potential patients few answers. Such reports document as many as 297 deaths or 1,800 injuries in a single filing, with virtually no detail readily available to the public. In all, Edwards has filed more than 1,800 Sapien 3 valve patient deaths as summaries since 2016.
Edwards spokeswoman Sarah Huoh said in an email that the FDA mandated the tracking of every patient who has the valve in the registry to provide "comprehensive evidence for device safety."
"The approval of alternative reporting protects against duplicate reports coming from multiple sources," Huoh said.
Another device, the MitraClip, is used to attach two flaps in the heart that are allowing blood to flow backward. The device has been controversial, with some scientists saying it is crucial for a certain subset of patients, and others pointing to the harm it can cause to the heart.
The FDA has allowed Abbott Vascular, which makes the MitraClip, to report as many as 347 deaths or 1,000 injuries in a single filing, also shipping the details straight to the agency, FDA records show.
An Abbott spokesman said in an email that the company has done clinical trials with thousands of patients to establish the MitraClip's safety. He said the exemption was granted because data in the registry was stripped of patient identifiers, making it hard to know whether the company would be filing redundant reports to the FDA.
Last year, the FDA finalized regulations for yet another summary reporting program. Under the newest system, device makers do not have to seek an exemption or notify the FDA that they'll be filing a public summary report in MAUDE.
The FDA has deemed the makers of more than 5,600 types of devices eligible to file "voluntary malfunction summary reports." Among them are some of the riskiest devices the agency oversees, including cardiac stents, leadless pacemakers and mechanical heart valves.
The growing cadre of exceptions to the injury- and death-reporting rules strikes Dr. Michael Carome, director of the Public Citizen Health Research Group, as a retreat by the FDA from making crucial information available for researchers and patients.
"It's just another example of a flawed oversight system," he said, "bent toward making it easier for industry rather than making protection of public health the primary goal."
California Healthline reporter and producer Heidi de Marco contributed to this report.
Prices of drugs from overseas pharmacies can be as much as 70% lower than what people pay in the U.S. because the costs are regulated by the foreign governments.
This story was first published Wednesday, March 6, 2019, byKaiser Health News.
Cities and local governments in several states said they will continue to use a Canadian company to offer employees prescription drugs at a highly reduced price, even though federal officials raised safety concerns about the practice last week.
The municipalities use CanaRx, which connects their employees with brick-and-mortar pharmacies in Canada, Great Britain and Australia to fill prescriptions.
In a letter Thursday to CanaRx, the Food and Drug Administration said the company has sent "unapproved" and "misbranded" drugs to U.S. consumers, jeopardizing their safety.
The FDA urged consumers not to use any medicines from CanaRx, which works with about500 cities, counties, school districts and private employers to arrange drug purchases. Some of these employers have used the service as far back as 2004.
Prices of drugs from overseas pharmacies can be as much as 70% lower than what people pay in the U.S. because the costs are regulated by the foreign governments.
FDA officials would not explain why they waited more than a decade to act. They acknowledged the agency had no reports of anyone harmed by drugs received through CanaRx.
The FDA made its warning as Congress and the Trump administration look into ways to lower drug prices. Last month, Florida Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis said he has President Donald Trump’s backing to start a program to begin importing drugs from Canada for state residents.
After DeSantis' comments, White House officials stressed that any such plan must get state and federal approvals.
The FDA said that in most cases importing drugs for personal use is illegal, although it very rarely has tried to stop Americans from bringing drugs across the Canadian border. It has not stopped retail stores in Floridathat help consumers buy drugs from Canada since 2003. Nine storefronts were raided by FDA officials in 2017, although the FDA has allowed them to continue operating.
Schenectady County in New York, which has worked with CanaRx since 2004, defended its relationship and had no immediate plans to end it, according to Chris Gardner, the county attorney. "We will wait to see how this plays out, but right now it's status quo," Gardner said.
He said CanaRx, which is headquartered in Windsor, Ontario, helped the county save $500,000 on drug costs in 2018. About 25% of the county's 1,200 workers use the program and get their drugs with no out-of-pocket costs. If they use American pharmacies, they generally have a copayment.
"This is a good program, and on the merits it looks lawful, and they are not doing the terrible things that the FDA is suggesting," Gardner said.
CanaRx officials denied they were breaking any laws or putting Americans' health at risk. They say they are not an online pharmacy but a broker between brick-and-mortar pharmacies in Canada, Australia and Great Britain and U.S. employees. People can buy drugs via CanaRx only with a prescription from their doctor.
The company said it has no plans to stop distributing drugs.
"The FDA's characterizations of the CanaRx business model and operating protocols are completely wrong," said Joseph Morris, a Chicago-based lawyer for the company. "It is not possible to place an order via any CanaRx website; the websites are informational only."
Morris said the FDA notice prompted calls from many municipalities but all so far say they plan to stick with the company.
Columbia County, N.Y., has been using CanaRx for about a decade and the savings allows it to offer employees drugs with no out-of-pocket costs instead of paying up to a $40 copay in local pharmacies.
"This is bull," Stephen Acciani, an insurance broker who works with the county, said of the FDA crackdown. "They are not selling unsafe medications." His recommendation would be for the county, which has more than 600 employees on its health plan, to continue using CanaRx.
He noted that employees receive drugs through the mail in their original packaging from manufacturers.
Kate Sharry, a benefits consultant to the city ofFall River, Mass., and more than 100 other municipalities in Massachusetts, said, "It will give some clients pause. How can you not pay attention to this from the FDA?" But she expects the local governments to stay with CanaRx.
Federal health officials under both Republican and Democratic administrations have blocked efforts to legalize importing drugs, saying it’s too risky.
"Sometimes a bargain is too expensive," said Peter Pitts, a former FDA associate commissioner and president of the Center for Medicine in the Public Interest, a New York-based nonprofit that receives some of its funding from drugmakers.
Pitts, who applauded the FDA action, said it's difficult for consumers to know when their pills from foreign pharmacies don't have the correct potency or ingredients. He said doctors may also not realize a patient’s problem stems from issues with the medicine. Instead, the physicians may just change the medication’s dosages. He said it is not safe for Americans to buy drugs that are imported through foreign pharmacies.
Gabriel Levitt, president of PharmacyChecker.com, a website for U.S. consumers that verifies international pharmacies offering drugs online, said CanaRx is one of the safest ways for Americans to get drugs from legitimate pharmacies in Canada and other industrialized counties.
He said the FDA is trying to intimidate CanaRx and its local government clients. "My biggest fear is they will scare consumers and they won't take their very safe and effective medications because they hear about this bogus warning."
"The FDA's action, which appears to try and make those programs look unsafe and sinister, seem to have a political and public relations purpose, one that is perfectly allied with the lobbying agenda of drug companies," he said.
He pointed to testimony by FDA Commissioner Scott Gottlieb last week — just a day before the CanaRx warning. When asked about importing Canadian drugs, Gottlieb did not mention CanaRx, but he said that people going to a "brick and mortar" pharmacy in Canada "are getting a safe and effective drug. I have confidence in the Canadian drug regulatory system." He added that his concerns are with online pharmacies.
The Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, the industry trade and lobbying group, cheered the FDA action but denied it had any role in it, said spokeswoman Nicole Longo.
"PhRMA supports the FDA's efforts to crack down on organizations that are circumventing its robust safety and efficacy requirements," she said. "Drug importation schemes expose Americans to potentially unsafe, counterfeit or adulterated medicines."
A small but growing number of doctors prescribe drugs 'off-label' for their possible anti-aging effects, even though there is scant evidence that the practice works.
This story was first published Wednesday, March 6, 2019, by Kaiser Health News.
Dr. Alan Green's patients travel from around the country to his tiny practice in Queens, N.Y., lured by the prospect of longer lives.
Over the past two years, more than 200 patients have flocked to see Greenafter learning that two drugs he prescribes could possibly stave off aging. One 95-year-old was so intent on keeping her appointment that she asked her son to drive her from Maryland after a snowstorm had closed the schools.
Green is among a small but growing number of doctors who prescribe drugs "off-label" for their possible anti-aging effects. Metformin is typically prescribed for diabetes, and rapamycin prevents organ rejection after a transplant, but doctors can prescribe drugs off-label for other purposes — in this case, for "aging."
Rapamycin's anti-aging effects on animals and metformin's on people with diabetes have encouraged Green and his patients to experiment with them as anti-aging remedies, even though there's little evidence healthy people could benefit.
"Many of [my patients] have Ph.D.s," said Green, who is 76 and has taken the drugs for three years. "They have read the research and think it's worth a try."
In fact, it's easier for patients to experiment with the drugs — either legally off-label or illegally from a foreign supplier — than it is for researchers to launch clinical trials that would demonstrate they work in humans.
No rigorous large-scale clinical trials have been conducted aimed at aging. The FDA so far has not agreed that a treatment could be approved for delaying the onset of aging or age-related diseases, citing questions about whether research can demonstrate an overall effect on aging rather than just on a specific disease.
Given such reservations, pharmaceutical companies have little incentive to fund costly, large-scale trials. Also, both metformin and rapamycin are generic and relatively cheap.
"There's no profit," said Matt Kaeberlein, a professor of pathology at the University of Washington medical school whose team received a $15 million grant from the National Institutes of Health to study the effects of rapamycin in dogs, but has noted the lack of funds for studies in people. "Without profit, there's no incentive."
Supplements with purported anti-aging effects routinely enter the market with little scrutiny and less evidence.
Yet, late last year, the NIH rejected a $77 million grant proposal by a prominent group of researchers to determine whether metformin could target multiple age-related diseases at once. It was the second rejection of the ambitious but unorthodox bid.
"We’re going to keep trying," said a lead author of the metformin proposal, Stephen Kritchevsky, a co-director of the Sticht Center for Healthy Aging and Alzheimer's Prevention. "These things take time."
Less is known about rapamycin's anti-aging effects and its possible side effects in the general population, including the possibility it could lead to insulin resistance. Yet a litany of studies show that rapamycin extends animal life spans. It also has been shown in such studies to stave off age-related diseases, from cancer to cardiovascular diseases to cognitive diseases.
"There should have been a clinical trial for rapamycin and Alzheimer's disease years ago," said Kaeberlein, who has publicly urged NIH to use a historic boost in Alzheimer's funding to study the drug’s effects. "But the fact is, the clinical trials are really hard and expensive."
Alexander Fleming, a former FDA official and advocate for the metformin proposal, said he believed it was difficult for regulators and funders to grasp that aging can be tackled as a whole — not just one disease at a time.
In fact, NIH reviewers who rejected the metformin proposal cited problems with the project's aim of testing multiple age-related diseases at once. The researchers considered appealing the decision, asserting those reviewers were biased against studying aging as a whole. NIH, which declined to comment, discouraged the attempt.
Dr. Evan Hadley, director of the National Institute on Aging's division of geriatrics and clinical gerontology, told Kaiser Health News that NIH is not ruling out funding projects that target aging, saying such proposals are still "of interest."
The FDA also is open to considering such efforts "based on the scientific evidence presented to us," said FDA spokeswoman Amanda Turney.
Fleming, who oversaw the controversial FDA approval of metformin for Type 2 diabetes, said an argument could be made that it could approve a drug like metformin for preventing age-related diseases instead of just treating them. He points to now widely used statins, which were approved to prevent heart disease.
"There is some kind of belief that the FDA can't approve a therapy to reduce the progress of aging or age-related conditions," said Fleming, an endocrinologist. "It's just not true."
Given the lack of consensus, other researchers have moved ahead with clinical trials focused on specific age-related conditions.
Researchers have shown that a "cousin" of rapamycin boosts the effectiveness of flu shots and lowers the incidence of upper respiratory infections in seniors by up to 30%. This group, led by Dr. Joan Mannick, has licensed it from Novartis and is now working on getting approval to target Parkinson's disease.
Some doctors and patients have decided not to wait. At a recent scientific forum on aging, one of the researchers on the NIH proposal asked the 300 or so people in attendance to raise their hands if they were already taking metformin for aging.
"Half the audience raised their hands," recalled the researcher, Dr. Nir Barzilai, director of the Institute for Aging Research at the Albert Einstein College of Medicine, who said a pharmaceutical rep recently estimated that metformin sales are up 20%.
Barzilai is concerned about the off-label trend, although he sees metformin as promising. He contends that researchers in the longevity field first need to set up a framework for testing in clinical trials. Even if metformin doesn't pan out as the most effective drug, he asserts a model like the metformin proposal is needed for any major clinical trial to proceed. His group is now trying to secure about half the amount of funding it requested from NIH from a mix of nonprofit and private investment.
"Much of the aging field is charlatans," Barzilai said. "They tell you take this or that and you'll live forever. But you have to do a clinical trial that is placebo-controlled and only then can you say what it really is and whether it’s safe."
Green nonetheless said he plans to continue prescribing. He estimates about 5% of his patients are doctors themselves. Others have backgrounds in science or are in the upper-income bracket. According to his website, he charges $350 for an initial visit and does not accept insurance.
"They fly to see me on their own planes," he said.
But other doctors who are open to prescribing metformin are holding off on rapamycin, given side effects in higher doses in sick patients.
"I need to see more evidence," said Dr. Garth Denyer, a doctor in The Woodlands, a wealthy Houston suburb, who said he prescribed metformin to a small number of patients but is waiting on rapamycin. "I'm hoping to see more data on safety."
Michael Slattery, who has been HIV-positive since 1983, said he is taking both drugs because the virus is likely to shorten his life expectancy.
So far, he has not noticed any side effects or benefits. His partner, however, who is also HIV-positive, stopped taking rapamycin after getting kidney infections.
"I feel I have nothing left to lose," said Slattery, a retired biotech consultant.
Other patients remain hopeful, even though the evidence is unlikely to be definitive anytime soon.
Linda Mac Dougall, 70, of Port Hueneme, Calif., said she participated in a small study that did not have a placebo control. She’s uncertain whether it had any effect on her.
"I really haven't noticed anything, but that doesn't mean it didn’t work," said Mac Dougall, a massage therapist for seniors. She has slightly more confidence in the wide array of supplements she takes, she said: "If I live until I’m 110, we’ll know."
Researchers sought to determine how pregnant women who dealt with surprise medical bills from their first delivery approached decisions about their second.
This story was first published Monday, March 4, 2019, by Kaiser Health News.
When it comes to having a baby, that bundle of joy may bring an unexpected price tag that can affect parents' future healthcare choices.
At least that was the finding of a studypublished Monday in Health Affairs. It examined how consumers respond to surprise medical bills in elective — or non-emergency — situations.
Specifically, researchers used a large national sample of medical claims for obstetric patients who had two deliveries between 2007 and 2014 and who had employer-sponsored health insurance.
They focused on this group because giving birth, the authors reasoned, is one of the few elective procedures someone would repeat.
The women in this category were also generally able to plan ahead and choose in-network hospitals and in-network obstetricians, if that was their preference, to avoid paying higher out-of-network rates.
However, their hospital care might also have involved providers who were out of their network, such as anesthesiologists. Since that doctor is not bound by a contract with the patient's insurance company, the care could result in patients being asked to pay whatever their insurance did not toward the provider's bill, a practice called "balance billing."
The researchers sought to determine how women who dealt with such unexpected costs from their first delivery approached decisions about their second.
Benjamin Chartock, the lead author on the study and an associate fellow at the Leonard Davis Institute of Health Economics at the University of Pennsylvania's Wharton School for business, said the findings showed that if patients had more information about which providers were covered, they would be able to better navigate their healthcare decisions and avoid high bills.
"When someone gets a surprise out-of-network medical bill, they're pretty much helpless to respond at that episode of care," Chartock said. "But if patients require subsequent healthcare in another situation, they may have a chance to respond in subsequent procedures."
Women who got a surprise bill from their first delivery, for instance, were 13% more likely to change hospitals for the next one.
Chartock likened it to getting a bad meal at a restaurant. It makes it less likely the patron will return. "That's kind of the classic competitive response," he said.
Of the group that switched hospitals for the second delivery, 56% were less likely to get another surprise bill. And, in many cases, women used the information they got from their first experience to make more cost-effective decisions the next time around.
These results, the authors said, make a strong case for better transparency about hospital pricing.
However, that information isn't always available, and many women don't even have a choice when it comes to where they give birth. "This suggests that laws protecting patients from liability for unavoidable out-of-network medical bills may significantly benefit patients," the authors wrote.
The price tag isn't the only thing upon which women base their labor and delivery choices, but it is part of a "bundle of attributes" that patients must weigh, Chartock said. Often the choice of a doctor or hospital closest to home where patients can get follow-up care can trump concerns about a surprise bill.
"We do see high rates of switching that may be mothers who are trading off the financial benefits with potential costs of not seeing the doctor who they would have otherwise wanted or the facility they would have otherwise wanted," Chartock said.
Surprise medical bills are a growing problem for patients. A Kaiser Family Foundation poll from September found that 67%of people worry about unexpected medical bills. (Kaiser Health News is an editorially independent program of the foundation.)
TheTrumpadministration and Democrats and Republicans alike inCongress have targeted surprise billing as an area ripe for change. Statelegislatures have also taken up the cause.
For Chartock, one of the key takeaways of the study was that it shows how the anticipation of surprise medical bills could cause hospitals to "lose a future stream of patients."
David Silverstein, the founder of brokenhealthcare.org — a group that advocates for healthcare price transparency — agreed.
The study shows that it is "actually costing the hospital business to have non-participating doctors in the facility," said Silverstein, who was not involved in the study. "That's a pretty big eye-opener."
More ailments are being treated with medical devices, including implants. And most of these, unlike pharmaceuticals, don't go through human testing before being offered to patients.
This story was first published Tuesday, March 5, 2019, by Kaiser Health News.
There's no doubt that surgically implanted medical devices can improve lives.
Hip and knee replacements can help people regain their mobility. Drug pumps can deliver doses of pain-relieving medicine on demand. And metal rods can stabilize spines and broken bones.
But implanted devices can also do serious damage, as happened to Mechel Keel, who lives in Owosso, Mich.
To fix her leaky bladder, an OB-GYN stitched a flexible mesh strap inside her pelvis in 2004. But within months, the mesh hardened and started cutting her insides.
The pain kept her from returning to her job as a hairdresser. The injuries and scar tissue that developed required multiple surgeries to correct and also resulted in chronic infections.
Keel said she understands why her doctor in Tennessee thought the high-tech mesh would help. But she also now feels she was treated like "a guinea pig."
"We were the testers," she said. "There was no animal testing done. We were the animals."
Thousands of cases of complications from surgical mesh have been reportedto the Food and Drug Administration. More and more ailments are being treated these days with medical devices, including implants. And most of these medical devices, unlike pills in a medicine cabinet, don't go through human testing before being offered to patients.
But some devices break down or malfunction in people's bodies, and reports aboutsometimes debilitating injuries have led the FDA to rethink how it assesses medical devices before allowing them to be sold.
For devices in which failure is obviously life-threatening, regulators have required some sort of human testing as part of the most stringent path — known as premarket approval. But most medical devices enter the market after manufacturers provide technical information and show that the devices are similar to others that have been legally sold previously.
The FDA has acknowledged that some seemingly safe devices have caused major problems, and the agency has elevated the risk level of those products following reports of injuries, as it did with urogynecologic surgical mesh for some uses in 2016. "Unfortunately, the FDA cannot always know the full extent of the benefits and risks of a device before it reaches the market," the agency said in a recent statement.
"We have things like metal-on-metal hips," said health journalist Jeanne Lenzer about a kind of orthopedic implant. "Outside the body, [they] seem to function just fine. They put them in little machines, rock them back and forth — they don't break. [But] put them inside people, and something very different happens."
There have been massive recalls of hip implants, for example, due to devices causing swelling and pain. And there have been problems with weakened bones in patients who received hip implants that contained plastic.
Lenzer wrote a scathing book, "The Danger Within Us," about the device industry and said she was "dumbfounded" to find out how many devices never went through human testing the way drugs do.
That's in part because of a regulatory review process known as 510(k) for a section of the FDA law covering medical devices. Manufacturers typically show their product has "substantial equivalence" to a "predicate device" that has already been legally marketed.
That standard can perpetuate problems. "You just say your device is like an old device, and the old device was never tested, nor was your device," Lenzer said.
In practice, sometimes the basis for a whole family tree of devices turns out to be defective. Pelvic mesh is a relevant example, with much of what's on the market being based on mesh that was around prior to implementation of FDA regulations for medical devices in 1976. One study found that 16% of mesh on the market was designed like products that had been pulled from the market because of safety concerns.
Thousands of women, including Keel, have filed suit — or reached settlements — with medical device companies that manufacture pelvic mesh.
"I would want nothing if you could just give me my life back," said Gloria Jones of Hillsdale, Mich., who is one of thousands who havesettled with device manufacturersover faulty mesh. "They could have given me millions, but all I needed was my life back."
Jones, who has struggled to continue working through crippling abdominal pain as a middle school special-education teaching assistant, has had four surgeries to remove pieces and continues to require intravenous drugs to control infections.
"It seems like I get off one antibiotic, and three days later I have another one," she said. "I would beg anybody who is even thinking of putting mesh in their bodies to stop and get a second opinion."
In response to problems reported with mesh, the FDA started requiring human testing for some of these products in recent years. The agency held an advisory committee meeting on Feb. 12 to discuss the safety and effectiveness of mesh and how it should be regulated.
Manufacturers by and large have said they don't oppose what the FDA is trying to do, calling the changes reasonable. But they have pushed back against calls to bring regulation of medical devices in line with that of pharmaceuticals.
"If you're treating someone for high cholesterol, the testing that you go through to ensure safety and effectiveness on a chemical that's going to be used in your body to control your cholesterol is just very different than it would be for the implantation of a heart valve," said Scott Whitaker, CEO of AdvaMed, a trade association for medical device companies. "Honestly, it's apples and oranges."
Whitaker dismisses the idea that devices, which range from tongue depressors to surgical robots, should all go through human trials.
"Testing should be as complete and as thorough and as ethical and as appropriate as possible. But it doesn't all fit the same and can't all fit the same standard," Whitaker said. "And while we always strive for 100%, there are times when something might not go according to plan. It could also be because the surgery didn't go as was planned."
The FDA declined NPR’s request for an interview. But the agency has released some written justification for the regulatory revamp.
"We believe firmly in the merits of the 510(k) process," FDA Commissioner Scott Gottlieb said in a November statement, noting that applications have more than doubled in size to an average of 1,185 pages. "But we also believe that framework needs to be modernized to reflect advances in technology, safety and the capabilities of a new generation of medical devices."
In the same statement, the agency addressed some specific shortcomings and charted plans to make changes to the process over the next few months:
Pushing back on manufacturers that base any new device's marketing application on one that's more than 10 years old;
More actively watching how devices perform once they're on the market, rather than relying on patients to report problems;
Scrapping the 510(k) name for something more descriptive, such as the "Safety and Performance Based Pathway."
Dr. Michael Matheny, a Vanderbilt University professor who tracks medical devices, approves of the FDA's incremental approach and calls it thoughtful.
"It would really be unfortunate if patients wouldn't consider any medical devices at all to be used in their bodies," Matheny said. "But I do think being aware that there's nothing without risk is also important."
Matheny notes, though, that in some ways the risks can be more profound for devices than medication. If the FDA recalls pills, a patient can at least stop taking them immediately, he said. With implanted devices, patients are sort of stuck, at least for a while — and that's if surgeons can even safely remove them.
This story is part of a partnership that includes Nashville Public Radio, NPR and Kaiser Health News.