In a refrigerator in the coroner's office in Marion County, Ind., rows of vials await testing. They contain blood, urine and vitreous, the fluid collected from inside a human eye.
In overdose cases, the fluids may contain clues for investigators.
"We send that off to a toxicology lab to be tested for what we call drugs of abuse," said Alfie Ballew, chief deputy coroner. The results often include drugs such as cocaine, heroin, fentanyl or prescription pharmaceuticals.
After testing, coroners typically make note of the drugs involved in an overdose on the death certificate — but not always.
Standards for how to investigate and report on overdoses vary widely across states and counties. As a result, opioid overdose deaths aren't always captured in the data reported to the federal government. The country undercounts opioid-related overdoses by 20 to 35 percent, according to a study published in February in the journal Addiction.
"We have a real crisis, and one of the things we need to invest in, if we're going to make progress, is getting better information," said Christopher Ruhm, the author of the paper and a health economist at the University of Virginia.
Data from death certificates move from coroners and medical examiners to states and eventually the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, which publishes reports on overdose counts across the U.S. According to the CDC, more than 42,000 people died from opioid-related overdoses in 2016, a 30 percent increase from the year before.
But that number is only as good as the data states submit to the CDC. Ruhm said the real number of opioid overdose deaths is closer to 50,000. He came to the higher estimate through an analysis of overdoses that weren't linked to specific drugs.
On a death certificate, coroners and medical examiners often leave out exactly which drug or drugs contributed to a death. "In some cases, they're classifying it as a drug death, but they don't list the kind of drug that was involved," said Ruhm. In the years he reviewed in his paper, 1999 to 2015, investigators didn't specify a drug in one-sixth to one-quarter of overdose deaths.
Some states do worse than others. In 14 states, between 20 and 48 percent of all overdose deaths weren't attributed to specific drugs in 2016, according to a breakdown from FiveThirtyEight.
Many overdoses not linked to a specific drug were likely opioid-related, Ruhm said, so the lack of specificity leads to undercounting. According to Ruhm's earlier research published in 2017, Indiana's opioid overdose fatality rate is especially far off. He estimated the state's rate in 2014 was 14.3 overdose deaths per 100,000 people, twice as high as the rate reported that year.
In some states such as Indiana, independent county coroners investigate deaths. Coroners are usually elected, and they aren't necessarily medical professionals. Other states, though, have medical examiners, who are doctors. Some even have a chief medical examiner who oversees death investigations for the whole state.
"States that have centralized oversight with medical examiners tend to do better than those with coroners," said Ruhm.
In some places, death investigators don't list substances on a death certificate because they haven't tested for them. Brad Ray, a policy researcher at Indiana University's School of Public and Environmental Affairs, said toxicology reports cost hundreds of dollars each, which could strain county budgets.
Additionally, toxicology reports are currently optional for Indiana coroners. "So if you're not required to pay for it, and you're not required to report it, why would you?" said Ray.
Indiana's legislature recently passed a bill to standardize how coroners handle suspected overdoses, and Republican Gov. Eric Holcomb is expected to sign it. Starting in July, coroners will have to run toxicology screens and report the results to the state health department. The state will also help cover the added costs.
Data that is more accurate would likely make the opioid problem look worse as the numbers go up. But Ray said realistic data could help the state access federal funds to tackle the opioid epidemic and keep better track of drug problems.
"So we can see when trends are happening. We can see when there tend to be increases in cocaine and meth and decreases in opioids, if that happens," Ray said.
Marion County's Ballew learned at a conference last year that she could help improve the state's data. Her office was already getting toxicology reports for all suspected overdoses, and now her team will list the drugs involved in an overdose on the death certificate.
"We'll say 'drug overdose' or 'drug intoxication,' and then we identify the drugs," she said. "So if it's five drugs that have caused or contributed to the death, then we put those five drugs down."
Ballew said she plans to travel the state and train other coroners to do it the same way.
For years, confusion has surrounded the conditions under which older adults can receive physical, occupational and speech therapy covered by Medicare.
Services have been terminated for some seniors, such as those with severe cases of multiple sclerosis or Parkinson’s disease, because therapists said they weren’t making sufficient progress. Others, including individuals recovering from strokes or traumatic brain injuries, have been told that they reached an annual limit on services and didn’t qualify for further care.
Neither explanation stands up to scrutiny. Medicare does not require that older adults demonstrate improvement in order to receive ongoing therapy. Nor does it limit the amount of medically necessary therapy, for the most part.
The February congressional budget deal eases long-standing concerns by lifting a threat that some types of therapy might be restricted. But potential barriers to accessing this type of care remain. Here’s a look at how Medicare now covers such services.
Medical necessity. All therapy covered by Medicare must be deemed “reasonable and necessary to treat the individual’s illness or injury,” require the services of skilled professionals and be subject to medical oversight.
What isn’t a precondition for receiving services is ongoing improvement — getting measurably better. While this can be a goal for therapy, other goals can include maintaining a person’s current abilities or preventing deterioration, according to a groundbreaking legal settlement in 2013.
The implication for older adults: If your therapist claims that she can’t help you any longer because you aren’t making substantial progress, you may well have grounds for an appeal. At the very least, a discussion with your physician about reasonable goals for therapy is advisable.
Part A therapy services. Often, older adults require therapy after an untoward event brings them to the hospital — for instance, a stroke or a bad fall. If a senior has an inpatient stay in the hospital of at least three days, he or she becomes eligible for up to 100 days of rehabilitation, including therapy, in a skilled nursing facility under Medicare Part A.
Therapy services covered by Medicare Part A also can be obtained in an inpatient, hospital-based rehabilitation facility. In this setting, requirements call for therapy to be “intensive” — at least three hours a day, five days a week. Stays are covered by Medicare up to a maximum 90 days.
If a senior returns home after being in the hospital, he or she may receive therapy from a home health agency under Medicare Part A. To qualify for home health care, an older adult must need intermittent skilled services, such as those provided by a registered nurse or physical therapist, and be substantially homebound. Each episode of home health care can last up to 60 days and be renewed with a physician’s authorization.
“A lot of home health agencies believe, wrongly, that the home health benefit, including therapy services, is limited in duration to a couple of 60-day episodes,” said David Lipschutz, senior policy attorney at the Center for Medicare Advocacy. The bottom line for beneficiaries: You may have to advocate aggressively for the care you think you need and enlist your physician to intervene on your behalf.
Part B services. Physical, speech and occupational therapy are also covered by Medicare Part B in private practices, hospital outpatient clinics, skilled nursing facilities (when a patient’s Part A benefits have run out) and, less frequently, in people’s homes (when individuals no longer qualify for Part A home health services but still need assistance).
More than 5 million older adults and people with disabilities covered by Medicare receive “outpatient” therapy services of this kind each year. Care can last up to 90 days, with the potential for renewal if a physician certifies that ongoing services are necessary.
Questions about coverage for Part B therapy services have surfaced repeatedly since Congress authorized annual limits on the care that Medicare would cover in 1997 — a cost-saving move.
Faced with criticism, Congress delayed implementation of these “caps” for several years. Then, in 2006, it created an “exceptions” process that allowed caps to be exceeded, so long as therapy was judged to be medically necessary.
The exceptions process had two steps. First, a therapist had to request that services be extended when a patient reached an initial “cap” — set this year at $2,010. Then, another request had to be made when a patient reached another, higher threshold — initially set at $3,700 this year, but reduced to $3,000 in the budget legislation.
Both steps called for therapists to justify additional services by providing extra documentation. At the second, higher threshold, therapists also faced the prospect of intensive medical review of their practices and, potentially, audits.
At that point, therapists were often hesitant to pursue exceptions, which has made it difficult for patients with complex medical conditions to access care. Also, sometimes requests for exceptions have been denied, posing another barrier.
“We use the exceptions process, but we’ve tried to be very vigilant in who we used it for,” said Sarah Gallagher, a physical therapist at South Valley Physical Therapy in Denver, which specializes in treating people with complicated neurological conditions. “The risk is putting your clinic at risk for an audit if you ask for exceptions too often.”
With February’s budget deal, Medicare has gotten rid of the “caps” but retained the notion of “thresholds.” After billing for $2,010 in services (about 20 therapy sessions at $100 per visit) this year, a provider has to add an extra code to a bill. After billing $3,000, targeted medical reviews and the potential for audits can again be prompted.
Eliminating the caps should make things easier for older adults who need a time-limited course of therapy. But whether therapists will be wary about approaching the $3,000 threshold, with its extra administrative burdens and potential risks, remains to be seen. If so, patients recovering from strokes or brain injuries and those with complicated chronic conditions, who need intensive therapy for an extended period, could be affected.
“We fear that there still might be barriers to accessing care,” said Lifschutz, of the Center for Medicare Advocacy. “We suspect some providers will say I don’t want to deal with this process, and if I’m getting anywhere near that $3,000 threshold, I’m just going to give it up.”
“Theoretically, all the uncertainty we’ve been living with, related to the therapy caps and acceptable goals of therapy, has been resolved,” said Kimberly Calder, senior director of health policy at the National Multiple Sclerosis Society. “But only time will tell.”
California signed up an estimated 450,000 people under Medicaid expansion who may not have been eligible for coverage, according to a report by the U.S. Health and Human Services’ chief watchdog.
In a Feb. 21 report, the HHS’ inspector general estimated that California spent $738.2 million on 366,078 expansion beneficiaries who were ineligible. It spent an additional $416.5 million for 79,055 expansion enrollees who were “potentially” ineligible, auditors found.
Auditors said nearly 90 percent of the $1.15 billion in questionable payments involved federal money, while the rest came from the state’s Medicaid program, known as Medi-Cal. They examined a six-month period from Oct. 1, 2014, to March 31, 2015, when Medicaid payments of $6.2 billion were made related to 1.9 million newly eligible enrollees.
There were limitations to the California review, however. The audit extrapolated from a sample of 150 beneficiaries. The authors reported a 90 percent confidence level in their results — whereas 95 percent would be more common. That meant that the number of those ineligible could have been as low as 260,000 or as high as 630,000.
“If HHS has a strong reason to believe that California is systematically making enrollment errors, it would be helpful to show that in a more robust analysis,” said Ben Ippolito, a health care economist at the American Enterprise Institute, a conservative think tank. “The federal government should ensure that states are being good stewards of federal money.”
Nonetheless, the audit highlighted weaknesses in California’s Medicaid program, the largest in the nation with 13.4 million enrollees and an annual budget topping $100 billion, counting federal and state money. Medicaid covers 1 in 3 Californians.
The inspector general found deficiencies in the state’s computer system for verifying eligibility and discovered errors by caseworkers. The Medicaid payments cited in the report covered people in the state’s fee-for-service system, managed-care plans, drug treatment programs and those receiving mental health services.
California’s Department of Health Care Services, which runs Medi-Cal, said in a statement that it agreed with nearly all of the auditors’ recommendations and that the agency “has taken steps to address all of the findings.”
In a written response to the inspector general, California officials said several computer upgrades were made after the audit period and before publication of the report that should improve the accuracy of eligibility decisions.
Among the 150 expansion enrollees analyzed in detail, 75 percent, or 112, were deemed eligible for the Medicaid program in California. Auditors discovered a variety of problems with the other 38 enrollees.
During the audit period, 12 enrollees in the sample group had incomes above 138 percent of the federal poverty line, making them ineligible financially for public assistance, according to the report.
In other instances, beneficiaries were already enrolled in Medicare, the federal health insurance for people 65 and older or who have severe disabilities, and did not qualify for Medi-Cal. One woman indicated she didn’t want Medi-Cal but was enrolled anyway.
In 2014, the state struggled to clear a massive backlog of Medi-Cal applications, which reached about 900,000 at one point. Many people complained about being mistakenly rejected for coverage, or their applications were lost in the state or county computer systems.
California was one of 31 states to expand Medicaid under the 2010 Affordable Care Act. The health law established a higher federal reimbursement for these newly eligible patients, primarily low-income adults without children. After expansion started in 2014, the HHS inspector general’s office began reviewing whether states were determining eligibility correctly and spending taxpayer dollars appropriately.
In a similar audit released in January, the inspector general estimated that New York spent $26.2 million in federal Medicaid money on 47,271 expansion enrollees who were ineligible for coverage. (The sample size there was 130 enrollees.) Overall, New York had far fewer expansion enrollees and related spending compared to California.
Audits of other states’ records are planned.
“It is inevitable that in a big rollout of new eligibility for any public program there are going to be glitches in implementation,” said Kathy Hempstead, a health-policy expert and senior adviser at the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation. “The inspector general wants to make sure that states are being sufficiently careful.”
Nationwide, Medicaid, the state-federal health insurance program designed for the poor, is the country’s largest health insurance program, covering 74 million Americans. In the past year, Republican efforts to reduce Medicaid funding and enrollment have sparked intense political debates and loud protests over the size and scope of the public program.
The federal government footed the entire cost of Medicaid expansion during the first three years, instead of taking the usual approach of splitting the costs with states. Now, states are picking up more of the bill. Their share of the costs grows to 10 percent by 2020.
The California audit didn’t request a specific repayment from the state, but the findings were sent to the U.S. Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services for review. CMS officials didn’t return a request for comment.
Donald White, a spokesman for the inspector general’s office, said the agency stood by the report’s findings and declined to comment further.
As she herded her two young sons into bed one evening late last December, Laura Devitt flipped through her phone to check on the routine blood tests that had been performed as part of her annual physical. She logged onto the patient portal link on her electronic medical record, scanned the results and felt her stomach clench with fear.
Devitt's white blood cell count and several other tests were flagged as abnormal. Beyond the raw numbers, there was no explanation.
"I got really tense and concerned," said Devitt, 39, a manager of data analysis who lives in New Orleans. She immediately began searching online and discovered that possible causes ranged from a trivial infection to cancer.
"I was able to calm myself down," said Devitt, who waited anxiously for her doctor to call. Two days later, after hearing nothing, she called the office. Her doctor telephoned the next day. She reassured Devitt that the probable cause was her 5-year-old's recent case of pinkeye and advised her to get tested again. She did, and the results were normal.
"I think getting [test results] online is great," said Devitt, who says she wishes she had been spared days of needless worry waiting for her doctor's explanation. "But if it's concerning, there should be some sort of note from a doctor."
Devitt's experience illustrates both the promise and the perils of a largely unexamined transformation in the way growing numbers of Americans receive sensitive — sometimes life-changing — medical information. A decade ago, most patients were informed over the phone or in person by the doctor who had ordered testing and could explain the results.
But in the past few years, hospitals and medical practices have urged patients to sign up for portals, which allow them rapid, round-the-clock access to their records. Lab tests (with few exceptions) are now released directly to patients. Studies estimate that between 15 and 30 percent of patients use portals.
The push for portals has been fueled by several factors: the widespread embrace of technology, incentive payments to medical practices and hospitals that were part of 2009 federal legislation to encourage "meaningful use" of electronic records, and a 2014 federal rule giving patients direct access to their results. Policymakers have long regarded electronic medical records as a way to foster patient engagement and improve patient safety. Studies have found that between 8 and 26 percent of abnormal lab results were not communicated to patients promptly.
Are portals delivering on their promise to engage patients? Or are these results too often a source of confusion and alarm for patients and the cause of more work for doctors because information is provided without adequate — or sometimes any — guidance?
Releasing results on portals remains "an answer with many questions," said Hardeep Singh, a patient safety researcher at the Michael E. DeBakey VA Medical Center in Houston. "There is just not enough information about how it should be done right," said Singh, who is also an associate professor at Baylor College of Medicine and one of the few researchers to study patients' experiences obtaining test results from portals. "There are unintended consequences for not thinking it through."
Although what patients see online and how quickly they see it differs — sometimes even within the same hospital system — most portals contain lab tests, imaging studies, pathology reports and less frequently, doctors' notes. It is not uncommon for a test result to be posted before the doctor has seen it.
That means that a patient may be the first to learn of a suspicious breast mass, a recurrence of cancer or possible kidney failure. At Johns Hopkins medical system in Baltimore, for example, results of a PSA test to screen for prostate cancer come with this disclaimer: "While Johns Hopkins providers check results frequently, you may see results before your provider has seen them."
Breast cancer specialist Lidia Schapira is an associate professor at the Stanford University Medical Center and editor-in-chief of Cancer.net, the patient information website of the American Society of Clinical Oncology. While she regards online access as beneficial, "the danger is that the patient may learn information they're unprepared to receive and may feel abandoned if they can't reach their doctor."
"Those are the Friday afternoon phone calls," she said, when "at 4:59 [p.m.] a patient has accessed the results of a scan and the doctor signs out at 5." The recipient of the anguished inquiry that follows is typically a covering doctor who doesn't know the patient or details of the case.
When Is Use Meaningful?
A recent study by Singh and his colleagues found that, like Devitt, nearly two-thirds of 95 patients who obtained test results via a portal received no explanatory information about the findings. As a result, nearly half conducted online searches. Many with abnormal results called their doctors.
That echoes a 2016 study led by researchers from the University of Pittsburgh. These scientists found that in addition to engaging patients, portal use may increase anxiety and lead to more doctor visits.
Among patients with low health literacy and numerical skills, confusion about the meaning of results is common. Many tests are reported in the same form that the doctor sees them, which even savvy patients may find "literally meaningless," observed Brian Zikmund-Fisher, an associate professor in the school of public health at the University of Michigan.
"In some situations we run the risk of patients misinterpreting that there is no problem when there is one, or assuming there's a problem when there isn't," said Zikmund-Fisher, lead author of a study that advocates the use of explanatory graphics to convey results. "What we need to be focusing on is giving patients context."
A year or so ago, Geisinger Health System in Pennsylvania began making most test results — but not biopsies or HIV screening — available to patients within four hours of being finalized.
"We essentially release results twice a day seven days a week with a four-hour lag," said Ben Hohmuth, Geisinger's associate chief medical informatics officer. The delay, he said, gives doctors time to review results. Patients who log on over a weekend can contact an on-call physician if they can't reach their own doctor. The goal of rapid release, Hohmuth said, is to "be patient-centered and transparent."
"The majority [of patients] want early access to their results, and they don't want it to be impeded" while waiting for doctors to contact them, Hohmuth said, even if the news is bad.
Patient reaction, he adds, has been "overwhelmingly positive"; the few complaints have come from physicians.
Health lawyer Kathleen Kenyon said she would have appreciated faster access to blood test results for her elderly mother, who had multiple medical problems including Alzheimer's disease. Kenyon, who managed and closely monitored her mother's condition, said she believes speedier access could have helped stave off a four-day hospitalization in the intensive care unit of a Washington hospital caused by her mother's plummeting sodium level.
"It is safer for patients to have more information," said Kenyon, formerly a senior policy analyst at the Department of Health and Human Services. "I was begging them to get my mother's lab information in earlier."
What Does This Mean?
At 46, writer Rebecca Esparza has survived Stage 4 ovarian cancer as well as thyroid cancer. She normally loves having round-the-clock access to her records and the ability to email her doctors.
But in 2016, immediately after extensive abdominal surgery at a hospital several hours from her home in Corpus Christi, Texas, doctors told her they suspected she had developed colon cancer. Confirmation would require further evaluation by a pathologist.
Esparza went home and waited, checking her portal repeatedly. A week later, she logged on to find a highly technical biopsy report she could not understand. A friend who is a nurse read it and told Esparza there was no mention of a malignancy. Two weeks after Esparaza left the hospital and a week after the report appeared on her portal, one of her doctors confirmed that she didn't have cancer after all.
"It was really traumatic and the one time I wish I hadn't had access," said Esparza, an advocate for the National Coalition for Cancer Survivorship.
Although Esparza considers her experience to be "a fluke," she notes similar confusion among other cancer patients in the online support groups she runs.
"People post their blood test and other results all the time and ask what it means," she said. Esparza said she intercedes by reminding participants "we're not doctors."
One way for a physician to provide guidance, said Stanford's Schapira, is for doctors to negotiate with patients in advance, particularly if they are concerned the news might be bad.
It is a strategy she employed at her previous job at Massachusetts General Hospital in Boston. "I would say, 'Let's do a scan and then schedule a visit two days later, and we can discuss the results,'" she said.
One Doctor's Experience
Mass General internist Katharine Treadway knows what it's like to obtain shocking news from an electronic medical record. The experience, she said, has influenced the way she practices.
More than a decade ago — long before most patients had portals — Treadway, with her husband's permission, pulled up the results of his MRI scan on a hospital computer while waiting to see the specialist treating his sudden, searing arm pain.
"It showed a massive tumor" and widespread metastatic disease, Treadway recalled. She never suspected that her 59-year-old husband had cancer, let alone a highly aggressive and usually fatal form of advanced lymphoma.
Treadway said she remembers intently checking the name and date of birth, certain she had the wrong patient, then rebooting the computer several times "like I was going to get a different answer."
"The difference is that I knew exactly who to call and what to do," said Treadway, whose husband has been cancer-free for more than a decade. "In the event of bad news, a doctor has to surround the patient with 'I am here for you and here's the plan.'"
Schapira agrees. "Clinicians have to start tackling the issues that have arisen as a result of instant access," she said.
Nationwide, 1 million immigrants work in direct care - as CNAs, personal care attendants or home health aides - according to the Paraprofessional Healthcare Institute
BOSTON — After back-to-back, eight-hour shifts at a chiropractor's office and a rehab center, Nirva arrived outside an elderly woman's house just in time to help her up the front steps.
Nirva took the woman’s arm as she hoisted herself up, one step at a time, taking breaks to ease the pain in her hip. At the top, they stopped for a hug.
"Hello, bella," Nirva said, using the word for "beautiful" in Italian.
"Hi, baby," replied Isolina Dicenso, the 96-year-old woman she has helped care for for seven years.
The women each bear accents from their homelands: Nirva, who asked that her full name be withheld, fled here from Haiti after the 2010 earthquake. Dicenso moved here from Italy in 1949. Over the years, Nirva, 46, has helped her live independently, giving her showers, changing her clothes, washing her windows, taking her to her favorite parks and discount grocery stores.
Now Dicenso and other people living with disabilities, serious illness and the frailty of old age are bracing to lose caregivers like Nirva due to changes in federal immigration policy.
Nirva is one of about 59,000 Haitians living in the U.S. under Temporary Protected Status (TPS), a humanitarian program that gave them permission to work and live here after the January 2010 earthquake devastated their country. Many work in health care, often in grueling, low-wage jobs as nursing assistants or home health aides.
Now these workers' days are numbered: The Trump administration decided to end TPS for Haitians, giving them until July 22, 2019, to leave the country or face deportation.
In Boston, the city with the nation's third-highest Haitian population, the decision has prompted panic from TPS holders and pleas from health care agencies that rely on their labor. The fallout offers a glimpse into how changes in immigration policy are affecting older Americans in communities around the country, especially in large cities.
Ending TPS for Haitians "will have a devastating impact on the ability of skilled nursing facilities to provide quality care to frail and disabled residents," warned Tara Gregorio, president of the Massachusetts Senior Care Association, which represents 400 elder care facilities, in a letter published in The Boston Globe. Nursing facilities employ about 4,300 Haitians across the state, she said.
"We are very concerned about the threat of losing these dedicated, hardworking individuals, particularly at a time when we cannot afford to lose workers," Gregorio said in a recent interview. In Massachusetts, 1 in 7 certified nursing assistant (CNA) positions are vacant, a shortage of 3,000 workers, she said.
Nationwide, 1 million immigrants work in direct care — as CNAs, personal care attendants or home health aides — according to the Paraprofessional Healthcare Institute, a New York-based organization that studies the workforce. Immigrants make up 1 in 4 workers, said Robert Espinoza, PHI's vice president of policy. Turnover is high, he said, because the work is difficult and wages are low. The median wage for personal care attendants and home health aides is $10.66 per hour, and $12.78 per hour for CNAs. Workers often receive little training and leave when they find higher-paying jobs at retail counters or fast-food restaurants, he said.
The country faces a severe shortage in home health aides. With 10,000 baby boomers turning 65 each day, an even more serious shortfall lies ahead, according to Paul Osterman, a professor at Massachusetts Institute of Technology's Sloan School of Management. He predicts a national shortfall of 151,000 direct care workers by 2030, a gap that will grow to 355,000 by 2040. That shortage will escalate if immigrant workers lose work permits, or if other industries raise wages and lure away direct care workers, he said.
Nursing homes in Massachusetts are already losing immigrant workers who have left the country in fear, in response to the White House's public remarks and immigration proposals, Gregorio said. Nationally, thousands of Haitians have fled the U.S. for Canada, some risking their lives trekking across the border through desolate prairies, after learning that TPS would likely end.
Employers are fighting to hold on to their staff: Late last year, 32 Massachusetts health care providers and advocacy groups wrote to the Department of Homeland Security urging the acting secretary to extend TPS, protecting the state's 4,724 Haitians with that special status.
"What people don’t seem to understand is that people from other countries really are the backbone of long-term care," said Sister Jacquelyn McCarthy, CEO of Bethany Health Care Center in Framingham, Mass., which runs a nursing home with 170 patients. She has eight Haitian and Salvadoran workers with TPS, mostly certified nursing assistants. They show up reliably for 4:30 a.m. shifts and never call out sick, she said. Many of them have worked there for over five years. She said she already has six CNA vacancies and can't afford to lose more.
"There aren’t people to replace them if they should all be deported," McCarthy said.
Nirva works 70 hours a week taking care of elderly, sick and disabled patients. She started working as a CNA shortly after she arrived in Boston in March 2010 with her two sons.
She chose this work because of her harrowing experience in the earthquake, which destroyed her home and killed hundreds of thousands, including her cousin and nephew. After the disaster, she walked 15 miles with her sister, a nurse, to a Red Cross medical station to try to help survivors. When she got there, she recounted, the guards wouldn't let her in because she wasn't a nurse. Nirva spent an entire day waiting for her sister in the hot sun, without food or water, unable to help. It was "very frustrating," she said.
"So, when I came here — I feel, people’s life is very important," she said. "I have to be in the medical field, just to be able to help people."
The work of a CNA or home health aide — which includes dressing and changing patients and lifting them out of bed — was difficult, she found.
"At the beginning, it was very tough for me," Nirva said, especially "when I have to clean their incontinence. … Some of them, they have dementia, they are fighting. They insult you. You have to be very compassionate to do this job."
A few months ago, Nirva was injured while tending to a 285-pound patient who was lying on her side. Nirva said she was holding the patient up with one hand while she washed her with the other hand. The patient fell back on her, twisting Nirva's wrist.
Injury rates for nursing assistants were more than triple the national average in 2016, federal labor statistics show. Common causes were falling, overexertion while lifting or lowering, and enduring violent attacks.
Nirva works with a soft voice, a bubbling laugh and disarming modesty, covering her face with both hands when receiving a compliment. She said her faith in God — and a need to pay the bills to support her two sons, now in high school and college — help her get through each week.
She started caring for Dicenso in her Boston home as the older woman was recovering from surgery in 2011. Like many older Americans, Dicenso doesn't want to move out of her home, where she has lived for 63 years. She is able to keep living there, alone, with help from her daughter, Nirva and another in-home aide. She now sees Nirva once a week for walks, lunch outings and shopping runs. The two have grown close, bonding in part over their Catholic faith. Dicenso gushed as she described spending her 96th birthday with Nirva on a daylong adventure that included a Mass at a Haitian church. At home, Dicenso proudly displays a bedspread that Nirva gave her, emblazoned with the word LOVE.
On a recent sunny winter morning, Nirva drove Dicenso across town to a hilltop clearing called Millennium Park.
"What a beautiful day!" Dicenso declared five times, beholding the open sky and views of the Charles River. As she walked with a cane in one hand and Nirva's hand firmly clasped in the other, Dicenso stopped several times due to pain in her hips.
"Thank God I have her on my arm," Dicenso said. "Nirva, if I no have you on my arm, I go face-down. Thank God I met this woman."
In addition to seeing Dicenso, Nirva works three shifts a week at a chiropractor's office as a medical assistant. Five nights a week, she works the overnight shift, from 11 p.m. to 7 a.m., at a rehabilitation center in Boston run by Hebrew SeniorLife. CEO Louis Woolf said Hebrew SeniorLife has 40 workers with TPS, out of a total of 2,600.
It's not clear how many direct care workers rely on TPS, but PHI calculates there are 34,600 who are non-U.S. citizens from Haiti, El Salvador, Nicaragua (for which TPS is ending next year) and Honduras, whose TPS designation expires in July. In addition, another 11,000 come from countries affected by Trump's travel ban, primarily from Somalia and Iran, and about 69,800 are non-U.S. citizens from Mexico, PHI's Espinoza said. Even immigrants with secure legal status may be affected when family members are deported, he noted. Under Trump, non-criminal immigration arrests have doubled.
The "totality of the anti-immigrant climate" threatens the stability of the workforce — and "the ability of older people and people with disabilities to access home health care," Espinoza said.
Asked about the impact on the U.S. labor force, a DHS official said that "economic considerations are not legally permissible in TPS decisions." By law, TPS designation hinges instead on whether the foreign country faces adverse conditions, such as war or environmental disaster, that make it unsafe for nationals to return to, the official said.
The biggest hit to the immigrant workforce that cares for older patients may come from another program — family reunification, said Robyn Stone, senior vice president of research at LeadingAge, an association of nonprofit groups that care for the elderly. Trump is seeking to scrap the program, which he calls "chain" migration, in favor of a "merit-based" policy.
Osterman, the MIT professor, said the sum of all of these immigration policy changes may have a serious impact. If demand for workers exceeds supply, he said, insurers may have to restrict the number of hours of care that people receive, and wages may rise, driving up costs.
"People aren’t going to be able to have quality care," he said. "They’re not going to be able to stay at home."
But since three-quarters of the nation’s direct care workers are U.S. citizens, then "these are clearly not 'jobs that Americans won’t do,'" argued David Ray, spokesman for the Federation for American Immigration Reform, which supports more restrictive immigration policies. The U.S. has 6.7 million unemployed people, he noted. If the health care industry can’t find anyone to replace workers who lose TPS and DACA, he said, "then it needs to take a hard look at its recruiting practices and compensation packages. There are clearly plenty of workers here in the U.S. already who are ready and willing to do the work.”
Angelina Di Pietro, Dicenso's daughter and primary caretaker, disagreed. "There's not a lot of people in this country who would take care of the elderly," she said. "Taking care of the elderly is a hard job."
"Nirva, pray to God they let you stay," said Dicenso, sitting back in her living-room armchair after a long walk and ravioli lunch. "What would I do without you?"
The stakes over DACA are particularly high for those who have bet everything on professions that require high-cost educations and several years of training.
Among the young people known as "Dreamers," Ever Arias belongs to a select group.
Of the roughly 700,000 unauthorized immigrants who have temporary but tenuous protection from deportation, only 99 are in medical school. Fewer still have made it to their final year.
Arias is one of them and, come June, will start his medical residency — the on-the-job training he needs to become a doctor.
What's not clear is whether he'll be allowed to finish and, ultimately, practice in the United States.
"We're at the mercy of the government at this time," said Arias, 27, who will graduate this May from Loyola University Chicago's Stritch School of Medicine.
Last Friday, Arias got great news. On Match Day, when 31,000 medical students nationwide found out where they will be trained as residents, he learned he would be heading to Southern California, where he was raised. His three-year residency will be in internal medicine, and his goal is to practice in underserved communities that need bilingual doctors, he said.
But at this pivotal moment in his medical career, Arias must focus both on his academic future and his legal one. In September, the Trump administration announced it would end the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program, setting off an ongoing political and legal battle that could overshadow the careers of immigrant doctors in training.
The tug-of-war has left Dreamers — the name given to people brought illegally into the U.S. as young children — wrestling with apprehension and uncertainty. The stakes are particularly high for those like Arias, who have bet everything on professions that require high-cost educations and several years of training. The end of the DACA program could mean the end of their careers in the United States.
"The biggest fear I have is that one day everything I've worked for will be taken away," Arias said.
President Barack Obama created DACA in 2012. The program allows qualified young people to obtain temporary work permits, which Arias and other Dreamers need to complete their training and advance in their careers.
The future of DACA is tied up in courts. Earlier this year, federal judges in California and New York temporarily blocked Trump's move to terminate the program, and his administration is appealing.
For now, Dreamers can reapply for the status every two years, but there's no guarantee how long that will last.
"Without DACA, there is very little possibility that medical students will be able to fulfill their profession," said Betzabel Estudillo, of the California Immigrant Policy Center. This is of particular concern in the medical field where there is an urgent need for a "robust and diverse workforce," she said.
Ignacia Rodriguez, immigration policy advocate at the National Immigration Law Center, called Arias and other Dreamers "pioneers."
"They've had this ambition before DACA was around and they'll continue to work towards it even if DACA were to be taken away," she said. "But they deserve stability."
After months of applications and interviews, Arias was excited that he "matched" with his first choice, a residency program in Southern California. He declined to name the institution, citing the uncertain political situation.
Arias, who was born in Mexico and brought to the U.S. at age 6, grew up in Costa Mesa, Calif. He graduated from the University of California-Riverside in 2012 and, after a two-year break, started medical school.
When the Trump administration announced its plan to rescind DACA last year, Arias was in the middle of applying to residency programs. He worried that they might reconsider whether to continue accepting DACA recipients because they could run the risk of losing their trainees midstream if DACA were eliminated.
But some residency programs aren't letting the uncertainty cloud their decisions.
"We want programs to be able to choose from the best and brightest and to be able to select applicants who would be best suited for their institutions and communities, regardless of status," said Atul Grover, the executive vice president at the Association of American Medical Colleges, which represents medical schools and teaching hospitals.
Residency programs take a risk with every student they admit, not just Dreamers, added Sunny Nakae, the assistant dean for admissions at Loyola's medical school. "The threat that looms over DACA obviously adds a more foreseeable risk," she said. But "there's no guarantee that anybody … is going to finish."
Arias toyed with the idea of waiting a year before applying; he thought maybe the political climate would cool by then.
"But we decided it was now or never," Arias said of himself and the other Dreamers in his graduating class.
He recently applied to renew his DACA status, he said, and is trying to simply focus on "the craft of learning medicine," not the turmoil surrounding the immigration debate. If DACA were eliminated, he and other recipients would lose their status at different times, whenever their two-year terms ended.
Before DACA, people without permission to live and work in the U.S. couldn't get medical residencies because they didn't have work authorization, Nakae explained.
Raquel Rodriguez, 30, was one of the few undocumented students who started medical school before DACA was created.
Rodriguez, who was born in Mexico City and raised in San Diego, is a second-year family medicine resident in Southern California. She also declined to disclose the name of her residency program.
Rodriguez received her undergraduate degree from Harvard University in 2009. But because she had neither immigration papers nor DACA, her academic counselor discouraged her from applying to medical school, explaining that she wouldn't be able to secure a residency spot, she said.
She applied anyway, and in 2011 she started medical school at UCLA.
"I applied, but didn't think I'd get in, and then I did and I had no idea how I was going to pay for it," she recalled.
Medical school is expensive — the median in-state tuition at a public medical school was about $37,000 for the 2017-18 academic year, according to the Association of American Medical Colleges.
Rodriguez's friends from Harvard helped her pay for her first year. Then in June 2012, DACA paved the way for other financial opportunities. By patching together scholarships and loans, Rodriguez got herself through her remaining years of medical school.
She will finish her medical residency training next year. She also has a master's degree in public policy and hopes to find a job that combines both disciplines. She's still not sure what that will look like, but she knows she wants to give back to low-income communities.
So does Arias. Members of his family didn't have health insurance because of their legal status, so he'd like to serve populations who also struggle with limited access to coverage and care, he said.
"I see the role I can play in my community," he said. "I don't want that to be stripped away from me."
For many of the island's most vulnerable residents, the 2017 storm turned a healthcare access challenge into a full-blown medical crisis that cannot be easily reversed.
To reach the Martinez home in Puerto Rico’s central mountains, social worker Eileen Calderon steers around piles of dirt, treacherous potholes and power company trucks that block the road. Finally, she pulls up to a sagging, cement home, its roof done in by Hurricane Maria. Laundry hangs under a tarp, and a cat is tied to a leash outside the door.
Calderon, who is based in San Juan, and works for VarMed, a company that handles complex medical cases in Puerto Rico, has brought two colleagues — a nurse, Anamelia Velazquez, and a primary care physician, Dr. Carla Rossotti — to check in on Osvaldo Martinez and his son, Osvaldo Daniel Martinez.
Inside a darkened bedroom, the elder Martinez, a 67-year-old former star pitcher in the local baseball league, spoons rice and sausage into his son’s mouth. The younger Martinez lies in a hospital bed, his arms and fingers spasm and his eyes loll around in his head. He’s 37, born in Chicago, a former security guard.
Three years ago, after he and his father moved back to Puerto Rico from Illinois, the younger Martinez started showing early signs of multiple sclerosis. During the past year, his world became this room, then this bed.
His father points to the ceiling — leaking from the morning’s rain and covered in mold.
“All of this leaking that you can see came out because of the hurricane,” he said.
The power came back on in his house about a month ago, and the family has running water, so he is able to keep his son clean. The father carries a plastic basin into the bathroom and draws the water. Then, as he does a few times each day, he returns to the bedroom to bathe his adult son and gently change his diaper.
But Rossotti, whose company, VarMed, has been paid by the Puerto Rican government to help take care of the junior Martinez, said the younger man can’t yet get an appointment to see a neurologist to confirm his multiple sclerosis and start treatment. There is a chronic shortage of neurologists on the island, and those who remained after the storm have few slots in their schedulesfor Medicaid patients.
Calderon, the social worker, said she has been trying for a year to get an appointment for Martinez, but receptionist after receptionist tells her the neurologists they work for are taking no new patients. “We have a patient who was stable a year ago, and now he’s bedridden,” Rossotti said. “He hasn’t been able to get that neurologist evaluation.”
People here in Puerto Rico talk about life “before Maria” and life after. Accessing medical care here has always been a challenge, given the island’s chronic shortage of physicians and its unusual system for Medicaid — known as a block grant. The government provides a certain amount of money for each citizen in the program, no matter how great the needs are for care.
And for many of the island’s most vulnerable residents, like the Martinez family, the 2017 storm turned a challenge into a full-blown medical crisis that cannot be easily reversed. Since the turn of the century, a number of effective medicines that treat MS have come on the market, transforming the lives of people with the progressive disease, which can damage nerve conduction to anywhere in the body — the eye, the brain, the bladder, the legs. Treatment both helps slow progression and resolves symptoms. But it is less effective once damage to the nervous system is done.
The island’s financial crisis has sent doctors fleeing to the States during the past decade; Hurricane Maria added further fuel to that exodus. There is no exact accounting yet of just how many physicians have left the island, but from 2006 to 2016, the number of doctors dropped from 14,000 to 9,000, according to the Puerto Rico College of Physicians and Surgeons.
Nearly half of Puerto Ricans on the island rely on Medicaid — compared with around 20 percent of the population in the continental U.S. The territory’s government has long struggled to cover the costs of health care.
Currently, Molina Healthcare, a California-based company that provides insurance coverage to low-income people on Medicaid in Puerto Rico and elsewhere in the U.S., is ostensibly responsible for guaranteeing access to needed doctors.
A spokeswoman for Molina, Laura Murray, said the company cannot comment on the Martinez case, or that of any individual patient, because of privacy laws. But in a written statement, the company representative reported that it contracts with 41 neurologists in Puerto Rico’s eastern and southwestern regions, and meets “the network adequacy requirements in our contract.”
“However,” the statement continued, “we recognize that there is an island-wide shortage of physicians — particularly specialists — and we are proposing suggestions to [the Puerto Rican government] on how we could work together to remediate this.”
The island government recently announced that it will overhaul how Medicaid contracts are awarded.
For now, the younger Martinez languishes — each day and night no different than the next, as the disease lays siege to his central nervous system, disrupting the vital connections between brain and body.
Without a confirmed diagnosis, he can’t get certain public disability benefits. And he isn’t getting medication for his condition or his pain; the agency Rossotti works for can only advocate for patients, not treat them.
The outward perseverance of father and son belies the true terror of their confinement. As the elder Martinez describes his son’s decline, tears come to his eyes; his son, who can understand everything, rolls on his side and begins to weep.
“I have to do all that needs to be done for him,” Martinez said. But he is not in good health himself, with severe arthritis and a painful bulge in his abdomen. During the months they went without power, he said, the hospital bed didn’t go up and down. He showed a photo of his arm — black-and-blue and swollen — from pressing against the metal bars of the bed as he leaned down to tend to his son.
But it’s his son’s withering away that pains him most.
“If something would happen to me,” the father said, clasping his hands together in prayer — “I don’t know.”
The federal government has historically declined to provide Medicaid dollars to states that don't allow patients to choose between 'any willing provider.' Texas is asking for a change in that position.
The Trump administration is weighing whether to allow Texas to receive millions of federal Medicaid dollars for its family planning program, which bars abortion providers.
The Lone Star State eliminated its Medicaid-funded family planning program five years ago when state officials said they wanted to specifically exclude Planned Parenthood because the group provides abortions. Dozens of women’s health clinics closed as Texas established a wholly state-funded program that officials say today serves 220,000 women.
Medicaid’s family planning program is optional for states and used by half of them to provide contraception services for low-income women who earn too much to qualify for traditional Medicaid.
Texas, Iowa and Missouri gave up that federal money to avoid supporting groups that offer abortion. Planned Parenthood says it does not use any government money for abortions.
Texas is the first state to appeal to a more conservative White House to restore the funds. The federal government has historically declined to provide Medicaid dollars to states that don’t allow patients to choose between “any willing provider.” Texas is asking for a change in that position.
As part of its “Medicaid Nation” series, Kaiser Health News is examining the far-reaching impact of Medicaid — which has expanded its services in the past decade — and how millions of American households routinely access health care through its programs.
The provision that covers only family planning is a tiny part of Medicaid, which now serves about 74 million Americans. But it is seen by advocates as a vital way to avoid unwanted pregnancies and for states to save money by reducing Medicaid-covered births and coverage for infants and children.
Nationally, about 2.8 million people were enrolled in the coverage last year, according to a Kaiser Health News survey of state Medicaid officials. California alone had 1.8 million people in the program.
“This is expanding Medicaid to cut Medicaid,” said Elizabeth Momany, associate research scientist at the University of Iowa. “If you avert one childbirth, you save quite a bit,” she said, noting that children on full Medicaid remain in the program for at least five years after birth, on average.
Medicaid began in 1965 as a way to provide for poor children, their mothers and people with disabilities. Maternal benefits are a key part of traditional Medicaid. It pays for half of all U.S. births and covers 45 percent of children under the age of 6.
The federal government encourages the benefit limited to family planning— which does not include physician visits or hospital care — by covering 90 percent of the cost. In contrast, Medicaid covers births and related costs at 50 to 74 percent, with states picking up the rest of the tab.
The cost savings help explain why the family planning program is popular among states. Even some of those most opposed to the expansion of Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act — including the entire Southeast — largely take part in the Medicaid family planning program. North Carolina, South Carolina, Alabama and Florida rank in the top five by enrollment, behind California, the Kaiser survey found.
“For two decades, states across the country, red, blue and purple, have expanded Medicaid eligibility for family planning services because doing so helps people to avoid unintended pregnancies and to plan and space wanted pregnancies,” said Adam Sonfield, senior policy manager at the Guttmacher Institute, a reproductive health research organization that supports abortion rights. “In the process, that has also been proven to save the state and federal governments many millions of dollars.”
While eligibility and benefits vary by state, the family planning programs generally provide free coverage for a wide array of contraceptives, including birth control pills and long-acting implants. Some also provide checkups, assistance in kicking tobacco, cancer screenings and testing for sexually transmitted infections.
In family planning programs around the country, services are generally provided by Planned Parenthood clinics, county health departments, federally funded community health centers and private physician offices. Critics say prohibiting Planned Parenthood from family planning programs would hurt patients’ access to services.
Eligibility in some states starts as early as age 12, while others automatically enroll women in the programs after their maternity benefit expires, typically 60 days after giving birth.
In California and some other states, both men and women are eligible, but women make up the vast majority of the enrollees.
North Carolina Medicaid officials estimate the program saves the state about $15 million a year, according to spokesman Cobey Culton.
Alabama has also seen savings. Kari White, a health policy professor at the University of Alabama at Birmingham, said the program covers about 120,000 women in the state with income levels below 141 percent of the federal poverty level, or about $17,000 for an individual.
An evaluation she conducted for the state last year found the birth rate for women enrolled in the program was one-third of what would have been estimated without the coverage.
“It helps to save Medicaid dollars overall to have these programs,” White said.
Even the Trump administration, which is seeking to reduce the number of adults on Medicaid rolls, signaled its support of the family planning program in late December when it approved a 10-year extension of Mississippi’s program.
California’s program — called Family Pact (Planning, Access, Care and Treatment) — covers people with incomes up to 200 percent of the federal poverty level (about $24,000) who don’t have other sources of family planning coverage.
“It provides a very essential public health benefit to all Californians who otherwise wouldn’t get these services,” said Claire Brindis, director of the Philip R. Lee Institute for Health Policy Studies at the University of California-San Francisco, who evaluated California’s program.
A big reason California’s enrollment is so much higher than other states, in addition to its much larger population, is that undocumented immigrants can also receive the services, although their care is paid for only with state funds.
Marta Mateo of Los Angeles is using the family planning program for a tubal ligation to prevent another pregnancy.
“I’m ready to have my tubes tied,” she said in the lobby at Eisner Pediatric & Family Medical Center as the youngest of her four children slept in her arms. “I don’t want any more babies.”
Mateo said she’s grateful for the coverage because her factory job doesn’t offer it, and she can’t afford to buy it on her own.
“I just don’t have the money for that,” she said. “This is a good opportunity for us to get care.”
Nationwide, the number of women covered by the Medicaid family planning program dropped from 3.8 million in 2013 to last year’s 2.8 million, as many people gained other coverage through the Affordable Care Act, according to the KHN survey and interviews with state officials. The enrollment decline was also due to several states discontinuing the program.
Three states that expanded Medicaid under the ACA dropped the program — Michigan, Illinois and Ohio. But the Medicaid expansion covers women up to 138 percent of the federal poverty level, which is an annual income of about $16,700 for an individual, while the family planning programs had an average eligibility level of 185 percent of federal poverty level, or $22,400.
The former principal investigator over clinical trials of a treatment vaccine at the Walter Reed Army Institute of Research faces accusations he mishandled HIV research.
President Donald Trump’s likely pick to lead the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention is facing significant criticism because of a 20-year-old controversy over shoddy HIV research.
The Army in 1994 acknowledged accuracy issues with HIV vaccine research led by Dr. Robert Redfield, who is expected to head the CDC, but concluded at the time that the data errors did not constitute misconduct.
Yet one of the whistleblowers who first raised the matter to the Army told Kaiser Health News this week that he remains so troubled about Redfield’s handling of the vaccine research that he has decided to speak out publicly.
Redfield was principal investigator over clinical trials of a treatment vaccine at the Walter Reed Army Institute of Research. The research was conducted at a time when there was intense pressure to come up with a treatment for HIV/AIDS, which often killed patients within a matter of months.
“Either he was egregiously sloppy with data or it was fabricated,” said former Air Force Lt. Col. Craig Hendrix, a doctor who is now director of the division of clinical pharmacology at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine. “It was somewhere on that spectrum, both of which were serious and raised questions about his trustworthiness.”
In a letter to Trump this week, Washington Sen. Patty Murray, the ranking Democrat on the health committee, cited the research controversy as an example of a “pattern of ethically and morally questionable behavior” by Redfield that should prompt the president to reconsider the appointment.
Redfield’s appointment, which does not require Senate confirmation, was leaked to the news media over the weekend. Redfield did not respond to questions, and the Department of Health and Human Services, which oversees the CDC, declined to comment.
Redfield, who denied any scientific misconduct at the time, is now an HIV/AIDS expert at the University of Maryland School of Medicine. He has been praised by his supporters for his care of patients. He oversees a clinical program that treats 6,000 patients in the Baltimore-Washington area, according to an online bio.
But Redfield’s critics said the expected appointment demonstrates that the Trump administration is not vetting appointees thoroughly. The first CDC head, Brenda Fitzgerald, stepped down in January after a controversy over her purchase of tobacco stocks, and former HHS Secretary Tom Price resigned late last year amid criticism over his use of government and private planes for official travel.
“The White House claimed they would do better background checks,” said Dr. Sidney Wolfe, founder and senior adviser of Public Citizen’s Health Research Group. “But that statement is dangerously laughable. If they had done a proper background check, they wouldn’t have chosen Dr. Redfield.”
Public Citizen, a Washington watchdog group, was a leading critic of the Army’s handling of Redfield’s data at the time and obtained and published documents that detailed the controversy.
Hendrix, who was the director of an Air Force HIV clinical unit when he raised the concerns, said: “Two members of his [Redfield’s] team told me they had tried to replicate the analysis, but they couldn’t. When they tried to go to the Army, they said they were ignored.”
After Hendrix couldn’t replicate the results, he drafted a letter to his superiors reporting the data problems.
Hendrix said Redfield’s superiors initially told him not to send a letter detailing the concerns. Instead, the military scheduled a meeting with Redfield and other researchers so Hendrix could discuss the concerns. In the meeting, Hendrix recalled, Redfield acknowledged he had overstated how promising the results were.
“I thought it was resolved,” said Hendrix, who said he later called Redfield to say he was proud to work in an organization that could openly discuss such concerns.
However, Hendrix soon heard Redfield make the same inaccurate representations of the data at a conference and decided to file an official complaint requesting an investigation into scientific misconduct.
An Air Force institutional review board also recommended that the Army launch an inquiry stating: “The committee agreed the information presented by Dr. Redfield seriously threatens his credibility as a researcher and has the potential to negatively impact AIDS research funding for military institutions as a whole.”
But the Army did not appear to launch a full investigation, said Hendrix, who was interviewed at the time by the military official who conducted the inquiry. The military official declined Hendrix’s attempts to provide documented evidence, telling him the investigation was “informal.”
Hendrix later asked the commander of his hospital about the outcome of the investigation. He recalled that the commander called another officer to ask.
“I just remember him saying “Yes, sir,” he said. “When he hung up, he told me, ‘We will not be discussing this again.’”
Redfield was transferred from the laboratory he headed and assigned to treat patients, although the Army said he was not being punished. The Army also said the data would be corrected, and the military scrapped the program.
The project had earlier drawn criticism because Congress had set aside $20 million for the vaccine after lobbying by a former senator on behalf of the manufacturer.
Hendrix said he occasionally interacted over the years with Redfield and holds no grudges.
“Before this happened, he made important contributions to HIV-prevention efforts,” he said. “I respected him.”
However, he said, he remains disturbed by the military’s handling of the matter. He teaches a class on medical ethics and uses his own experience without naming Redfield to describe to his students the ethical quandaries faced in research.
Faulty data can lead other scientists to repeat the same mistakes and prompt participants to seek out trials for drugs and vaccines that don’t work.
“It’s a huge waste of funds,” he said. “But just as importantly, it diminishes trust, which is essential in science. If truth is eroded, then the whole enterprise falls apart.”
Republicans generally want more restrictions on abortion funding. Democrats generally want fewer. Here's a guide to the history of the current impasse.
The Affordable Care Act very nearly failed to become law due to an intraparty dispute among Democrats over how to handle the abortion issue. Now a similar argument between Democrats and Republicans is slowing progress on a bill that could help cut soaring premiums and shore up the ACA.
At issue is the extent to which the Hyde Amendment — language commonly used by Congress to prohibit most federal abortion funding — should be incorporated into any new legislation affecting the health law.
Republicans generally want more restrictions on abortion funding. Democrats generally want fewer. Here’s a guide to the history of the current impasse:
What Is The Hyde Amendment?
The Hyde Amendment, named for Rep. Henry Hyde (R-Ill.), an anti-abortion crusader who died in 2007, prohibits federal funding of abortion in Medicaid and several other health programs run by the Department of Health and Human Services. Current exceptions allow for funding in cases of rape, incest or “where a physical condition endangers a woman’s life unless an abortion is performed.”
But the Hyde Amendment is not permanent law. Rather, it has been included every year since 1977 as a “rider” to federal spending bills. Hence, its exact language changes from time to time. The rape and incest exceptions, for example, were not included in the annual HHS spending bill from 1981 to 1993. During that time, the only exception was for abortions required to save a pregnant woman’s life.
Hyde-like language has been added to other annual spending bills over the years, so federal abortion funding is also now forbidden in private health insurance plans for federal employees, women in federal prisons, those in the Peace Corps and women in the military, among others.
Over the years, Democrats have worked, unsuccessfully, to eliminate the Hyde Amendment, charging that it unfairly harms low-income women who cannot afford to pay for abortions. Proposed elimination of the language was included in the Democratic Party’s 2016 platform.
Republicans have tried, also so far unsuccessfully, to write the Hyde funding prohibitions into permanent law. “A ban on taxpayer funding of abortion is the will of the people and ought to be the law of the land,” said then-House Speaker John Boehner (R-Ohio) in 2011.
How Did The Affordable Care Act Deal With Federal Abortion Funding?
Republicans in both the House and Senate unanimously refused to support the Affordable Care Act when it passed Congress in 2010. Even without their backing, abortion remained a huge hurdle.
In order to pass the bill over GOP objections, Democrats needed near unanimity among their ranks. But the Democratic caucus at the time had a significant number of abortion opponents, particularly those representing more conservative districts and states. In order to facilitate the bill’s movement, House and Senate leaders agreed that the health bill should be “abortion-neutral,” meaning it would neither add to nor subtract from existing abortion restrictions.
That proved difficult. So difficult that to this day there is disagreement about whether the law expands or contracts abortion rights.
Democratic sponsors of the bill were buffeted by appeals from women’s groups, who wanted to make sure the bill did not change existing coverage of abortion in private health insurance; and from abortion opponents, led by the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops , who called the bill a major expansion of abortion rights.
The bill passed the House in 2009 only after inclusion of an amendment by Rep. Bart Stupak (D-Mich.), a longtime opponent of abortion. That bill included a government-sponsored health plan and Stupak’s provision would have made the Hyde Amendment a permanent part of that plan. The amendment also banned federal premium subsidies for private health insurance plans that offered abortion as a covered service, although it allowed for plan customers to purchase a rider with non-federal money to cover abortion services.
The Senate bill jettisoned the government-sponsored plan, so no restrictions were necessary on the abortion issue. And it was the Senate plan that went forward to become law. Still, differences remained over how to ensure that subsidies provided by taxpayers did not go to private plans that covered abortions.
In the upper chamber, a compromise was eventually reached by abortion-rights supporter Sen. Barbara Boxer (D-Calif.) and Sen. Ben Nelson (D-Neb.), who opposed abortion. Nelson was the final holdout on the bill, which needed all 60 Democrats then in the Senate to overcome unanimous GOP opposition. The Boxer-Nelson language was a softening of the Stupak amendment, but still allowed states to prohibit plans in the ACA’s insurance marketplaces from covering abortion.
In addition, President Barack Obama agreed to issue an “executive order” intended to ensure no federal funds were used for abortions.
In the end, both sides remained unhappy. Abortion opponents wanted the Hyde Amendment guarantees in the actual legislation rather than the executive order. Abortion-rights backers said the effort constricted abortion coverage in private health plans.
And both sides are still unhappy. According to the Guttmacher Institute, a reproductive health research group, 26 states have passed legislation restricting abortion coverage in any plan sold through the ACA’s insurance exchanges.
Another 11 states have passed laws restricting abortion coverage in all private insurance sold in the state. Nine of those states allow separate abortion “riders” to be sold, but no carriers offer such coverage in those marketplaces, according to a 2018 analysis by the Kaiser Family Foundation. (Kaiser Health News is an editorially independent program of the foundation.)
Three states — California, New York and Oregon — require nearly all insurance plans to provide abortion coverage, according to the National Women’s Law Center.
What Abortion Provisions Do Republicans Want To Add To The Latest Health Bill?
The issue for 2018 is a bipartisan bill that seeks to “stabilize” the individual insurance market and the ACA’s health insurance exchanges by providing additional federal funding to offset some recent premium increases. Some options include restoring federal subsidies for insurers who cover out-of-pocket costs for very low-income customers and setting up a federal reinsurance pool to help insurers pay for very expensive patients.
But once again, the abortion debate threatens to block a consensus.
Many Republicans are dubious about efforts to shore up the health law. They still hope its failure could lead to a repeal they were unable to accomplish in 2017.
Even some who say they are sympathetic to a legislative remedy want to add the permanent Hyde Amendment language that was left out of the final ACA, although included in Obama’s executive order.
That is “not negotiable for House Republicans,” a spokeswoman for House Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wis.) told The Hill newspaper. The White House has also endorsed a permanent Hyde Amendment.
But Sen. Patty Murray (D-Wash.), who has been negotiating the insurance bill for the Democrats, calls any additional abortion restrictions “a complete nonstarter” for Democrats.