Gov. Gavin Newsom wrapped up his bill-signing marathon Sunday, capping the end of a legislative session that will have a big impact on Californians' health care and coverage.
Some of the most high-profile — and contentious — measures of the year were health care-related: Who hasn't heard of the bill that spawned raucous protests at the Capitol by anti-vaccine activists? Aftersome hesitation, Newsom signed SB-276 and an accompanying measure, which will give state public health officials authority to review and, in some cases, revoke questionable medical exemptions for childhood vaccinations.
In a blow to Big Pharma, the Democratic governor also signed what health advocacy groups deem this year's biggest effort to lower prescription drug costs. AB-824 will give the state attorney general more power to go after pharmaceutical companies that engage in "pay for delay," a practice in which makers of brand-name drugs pay off generic manufacturers to keep the lower-cost generic versions of their medications off the market.
And legislation adopted as part of the state budget this year will require Californians to have health insurance next year or face a penalty. The budget also funded new state-based tax credits for Californians who purchase health insurance through Covered California, including some who earn too much to qualify for federal financial aid.
Also starting next year, young adults in the country illegally will be eligible for Medi-Cal if their incomes qualify.
"This was a landmark year in health care," said Anthony Wright, executive director of the consumer advocacy group Health Access California. "Over a million Californians will be getting help to access or afford coverage."
But many lesser-known health care measures could also have a dramatic impact on Californians' lives, including college students, dialysis patients, older adults and new moms. Some of the laws put California in the forefront nationally, such as a measure to expand access to HIV prevention drugs.
Most of these measures take effect Jan. 1:
HIV Prevention
California will be the first state to allow people to access HIV prevention drugs from pharmacies without a doctor's prescription. Pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) is a once-a-day pill for HIV-negative people that may keep them from becoming infected, and post-exposure prophylaxis (PEP) is medication that can help prevent the virus from taking hold if they have been exposed to it. SB-159 by state Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco) will allow pharmacists to dispense a 60-day supply of PrEP, or a 28-day course of PEP. Patients will need to see a physician to obtain more medication. The bill prohibits insurance companies from requiring patients to obtain prior authorization before obtaining the medication.
Abortion Pill
Students at California's 34 California State University and University of California campuses will have access to medication-induced abortion — commonly known as the abortion pill — at on-campus student health centers by Jan. 1, 2023. Under SB-24 by state Sen. Connie Leyva (D-Chino), students who are up to 10 weeks pregnant will be eligible. Initial costs, such as the purchase of medical equipment, will be paid for with private, not state, dollars.
Maternal Health
Black women are three to four times more likely to die during childbirth and from other pregnancy-related causes than white women, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. SB-464 by state Sen. Holly Mitchell (D-Los Angeles) will require perinatal health care providers to undergo bias training with the goal of reducing preventable maternal deaths among black women. "The disproportionate effect of the maternal mortality rate on this community is a public health crisis and a major health equity issue," Newsom said upon signing the bill.
Some new moms returning to their jobs who want to pump milk at work will face fewer barriers. SB-142 by Wiener will require employers to provide new mothers with a private space that includes a table, chair, electric outlet and nearby access to running water and refrigeration. Businesses with fewer than 50 employees may be eligible for an exemption. "Too many new mothers are unable to express milk at work or are forced to do so in a restroom or other unsuitable space," Wiener said.
Financial Abuse Of Older Adults
Investment advisers and broker-dealers will be required to report suspected financial abuse of elder or dependent adults. SB-496 by state Sen. John Moorlach (R-Costa Mesa) allows these financial experts to temporarily delay requested transactions, such as stock trades and disbursement of funds, when they suspect potential abuse. "With growing Alzheimer's and dementia concerns, it is critical that we provide safeguards to prevent financial abuse for those in the beginning stages of a difficult life journey," Moorlach said in a statement.
Smoking In State Parks
Californians will be prohibited from smoking or vaping at state beaches and parks, except for paved roads and parking areas. Violations of SB-8 by state Sen. Steve Glazer (D-Orinda) will carry a fine of up to $25. Similar efforts were vetoed by former Gov. Jerry Brown.
Nurse Staffing
State health officials who make unannounced inspections of hospitals will start reviewing nurse staffing levels. Some California hospitals disregard the state's current nurse-to-patient ratio requirements, Leyva, the bill's author, argued. SB-227 establishes penalties for violations: $15,000 for the first offense and $30,000 for each subsequent violation.
Medical Marijuana On School Grounds
Even though medicinal cannabis has been legal for years in California, it has not been allowed on school grounds. SB-223 by state Sen. Jerry Hill (D-San Mateo), will allow school boards to adopt policies that authorize parents or guardians of students with severe medical and developmental disabilities to administer medicinal cannabis on campus, as long as it is not via smoking or vaping. This allows students to "take their dose at school and then get on with their studies," Hill said.
Dialysis Industry Profits
One new law could disrupt the dialysis industry's business model. Dialysis companies often get higher reimbursements from private insurers than they do from public coverage. One way low-income patients remain on private insurance is by getting financial assistance from the American Kidney Fund, a nonprofit that receives most of its donations from the two largest dialysis companies, Fresenius Medical Care and DaVita Inc. AB-290, by Assemblyman Jim Wood (D-Santa Rosa), will limit the private-insurance reimbursement rate that dialysis companies receive for patients who get assistance from groups such as the American Kidney Fund.
Health Care In Jails And Prisons
County jails and state prisons will be prohibited from charging inmates copays — usually $3 to $5 — for medical and dental services with the passage of AB-45, by state Assemblyman Mark Stone (D-Scotts Valley). Some states already prohibit copays in prison, but California is the first to eliminate copays in county jails.
Cancer Patients
Some Californians undergoing cancer treatment such as radiation or chemotherapy will have insurance coverage for fertility preservation treatments. Under SB-600 by state Sen. Anthony Portantino (D-La Cañada Flintridge), private health plans regulated by the state must cover procedures such as the freezing of eggs, sperm or embryos for patients who want to try to have children in the future.
Drugmakers fought hard against California's groundbreaking drug price transparency law, passed in 2017. Now, state health officials have released their first report on the price hikes those drug companies sought to shield.
Pharmaceutical companies raised the "wholesale acquisition cost" of their drugs — the list price for wholesalers without discounts or rebates — by a median of 25.8% from 2017 through the first quarter of 2019, according to the Office of Statewide Health Planning and Development. (The median is a value at the midpoint of data distribution.)
Generic drugs saw the largest median increase of 37.6% during that time. By comparison, the annual inflation rate during the period was 2%.
Several drugs stood out for far heftier price increases: The cost of a generic liquid version of Prozac, for example, rose from $9 to $69 in just the first quarter of 2019, an increase of 667%. Guanfacine, a generic medication for attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), on the market since 2010, rose more than 200% in the first quarter of 2019 to $87 for 100 2-milligram pills. Amneal Pharmaceuticals, which makes Guanfacine, cited "manufacturing costs" and "market conditions" as reasons for the price hike.
"Even at a time when there is a microscope on this industry, they're going ahead with drug price increases for hundreds of drugs well above the rate of inflation," said Anthony Wright, executive director of the California advocacy group Health Access.
The national debate over exorbitant prescription drug prices — and how to relieve them — was supposed to take center stage in recent weeks, as House Speaker Nancy Pelosi released a planto negotiate prices for as many as 250 name-brand drugs, including high-priced insulin, for Medicare beneficiaries. Another planunder consideration in the Senate would set a maximum out-of-pocket cost for prescription drugs for Medicare patients and penalize drug companies if prices rose faster than inflation.
President Donald Trump has highlighted drug prices as an issue in his reelection campaign. But lawmakers' efforts to hammer out legislation are likely to be overshadowed, for now, by presidential impeachment proceedings. In Nevada, health officials in early Octoberfined companies $17 million for failing to comply with the state's two-year-old transparency law requiring diabetes drug manufacturers to disclose detailed financial and pricing information.
California's new drug law requires companies to report drug price increases quarterly. Only companies that met certain standards — they raised the price of a drug within the first quarter and the price had risen by at least 16% since January 2017 — had to submit data. The companies that met the standards were required to provide pricing data for the previous five years. In its initial report, the state focused its analysis on drug-pricing trends for about 1,000 products from January 2017 through March 2019.
California's transparency law also requires drugmakers to state why they are raising prices. Over time, that information, in addition to cost disclosures, could create "one of the more comprehensive and official drug databases on prices that we have nationwide," Wright said. "That, in itself, is progress, so that we can get better information on the rationale for drug price increases."
But the data does not reflect discounts and rebates for insurers and pharmacy benefit managers and bears little resemblance to what consumers actually pay, said Priscilla VanderVeer, a spokeswoman for the trade group Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America. The group filed a lawsuit seeking to overturn the California legislation that has not yet been resolved.
"If transparency legislation only looks at one part of the pharmaceutical supply chain, without getting into the various middlemen like insurers and pharmacy benefit managers that ultimately determine what patients have to pay at the pharmacy counter, it won't help patients access or afford their medicines," VanderVeer said in an email.
State Sen. Richard Pan (D-Sacramento), a pediatrician who chairs the Senate health committee, agrees — up to a point.
"Transparency always has value," Pan said. But policymakers need more data on how much insurers and consumers are spending on prescription drugs, he said.
And he wonders why the price of generic drugs, including those with plenty of competition, rose at higher rates.
His concerns were echoed by University of Southern California policy researchers, who recently published a studythat concluded most state-level drug-transparency laws are "insufficient" to reveal the true transaction prices for prescription drugs, or where in the distribution system excessive profits lie.
"The question is, why are these prices going up? Typically, there are competing stories for that," said Neeraj Sood, vice dean of the University of Southern California's School of Public Policy and an author of the study. "Maybe cost of production is going up," he said. "Maybe there's a drug shortage, or some competitors got eliminated. This reporting of [wholesale acquisition cost] data doesn't really tell us which of these stories is true."
For now, California's new data is not likely to be of much help to consumers, Pan said. But he said it might help state officials in their bid to overhaul the way the state purchases drugs for 13 million people served by Medi-Cal, the state's Medicaid program for low-income residents. Gov. Gavin Newsom's controversial plan to have the state, rather than individual Medi-Cal managed-care plans, negotiate directly with drugmakers would save the state an estimated $393 million a year by 2023, according to the administration.
When Ashley Pintos went to the emergency room of St. Joseph Medical Center in Tacoma, Wash., in 2016, with a sharp pain in her abdomen and no insurance, a representative demanded a $500 deposit before treating her.
"She said, 'Do you have $200?' I said no," recalled Pintos, who then earned less than $30,000 at a company that made holsters for police. "She said, 'Do you have $100?' They were not quiet about me not having money." But Pintos, a single mom with two kids who is now 29, told state officials St. Joseph never gave her a financial aid application form, even after she asked.
Pintos said she was examined and discharged with instructions to buy an over-the-counter pain medication. Then St. Joseph sent her a bill for $839. When she couldn't pay, the hospital referred the bill to a collection agency, which she said damaged her credit and resulted in a higher interest rate when she applied for a mortgage.
St. Joseph denied erecting barriers to charity care. But the hospital's owner settled a lawsuit from the state attorney general earlier this year alleging such practices and agreed to pay more than $22 million in refunds and debt forgiveness.
Under the Affordable Care Act, nonprofit hospitals like St. Joseph are required to provide free or discounted careto patients of meager incomes — or risk losing their tax-exempt status. These price breaks can help people avoid financial catastrophe.
And yet nearly half — 45% — of nonprofit hospital organizations are routinely sending medical bills to patients whose incomes are low enough to qualify for charity care, according to a Kaiser Health News analysis of reports the nonprofits submit annually to the Internal Revenue Service. Those 1,134 organizations operate 1,651 hospitals.
Together, they estimated they had given up collecting $2.7 billion in bills sent to patients who probably would have qualified for financial assistance under the hospitals' own policies if they had filled out the applications.
These written-off bills, known as bad debt, represented a tenth of all nonprofit hospital bad debt reported to the IRS in either 2017 or the most recent year for which data is available. That sum may represent an undercount because it is based on self-reported estimates from hospitals and is not independently audited. And it does not include money that financially struggling patients eventually paid.
"People, including me, had the impression that these new protections under the ACA would prevent people who should be getting help from being financially devastated," said Sayeh Nikpay, an assistant health policy professor at Vanderbilt University School of Medicine. "Clearly, this policy isn't working, and that's a major failing."
About 56% of American community hospitals have nonprofit status, which frees them of paying most taxes and allows them to float tax-exempt bonds. In return, they are supposed to provide community benefits including free or discounted care for patients who can't afford to pay.
The IRS leaves it up to each hospital to decide the qualifying criteria. A comparatively generous hospital may give free care to people earning less than twice the federal poverty level — around $25,000 for an individual and $50,000 for a family of four — and may provide discounts for people earning up to double that.
For those who do not qualify, hospitals often offer payment plans. But they can turn to aggressive tactics if bills are not resolved. Patients can be pestered by debt collectors, and some hospitals sue them or try to garnish their wages. Medical debt can damage credit ratings — one study calculated Americans had $81 billion in collections in 2016 — and forces some people into bankruptcy.
When hospitals give up on collecting a bill, they categorize it as bad debt and absorb the cost of the care, which is indirectly subsidized by the rates they charge private insurers.
It became this moneymaking system. People would be crying at registration desks, people would be upset, people would walk out.
Rachael Murphy, a former St. Joseph's Medical Center employee
Charity Options Often Thwarted
In 2017, BJC HealthCare, a large St. Louis-based system, estimated $77 million of its $134 million in bad debt was owed by patients who probably would have qualified for free or discounted care.
Hospitals now owned by Ballad Health, in Tennessee, estimated that $60 million of bad debt in 2016, or 70%, came from patients who might have been eligible for help.
The Hospital of the University of Pennsylvania said $43 million of its bad debt, or 52%, might have involved patients who could have been excused in 2016 from being billed.
While some hospitals say they write off the debt of poor patients without ever resorting to collection measures, several hospitals whose practices were highlighted in news reports this year for aggressively suing patients admitted to the IRS they knew many unpaid bills might have been averted through their financial assistance policies.
A quarter of bad debt at Mary Washington Healthcare, which sued so many patients that a Virginia court convened special sessions to hear the cases, involved candidates for free or discounted care, according to its IRS filing.
So did half of the bad debt at Methodist Le Bonheur Healthcare in Memphis, called out by news organizations for frequently garnishing wages, its filing said.
CHI Franciscan, which owns St. Joseph, said in multiple IRS filings that none of its bad debt arose from billing indigent patients. While Franciscan admitted no wrongdoing in its settlement with the Washington attorney general, the agreement bars the practice of discouraging charity care in the ways alleged in the lawsuit.
"We are exceeding the requirements of state law and providing charity care compensation to patients who may be in most need, even if they never applied for charity care or did not actually qualify at the time of service," Cary Evans, a Franciscan spokesman, said in a statement. Franciscan declined to discuss individual patients.
According to the lawsuit and interviews with former employees, St. Joseph's workers were told never to voluntarily offer patients a charity care application. If asked for one, they were instructed to insist on a deposit at least three times. Even when submitted, applications required so much documentation that half of the requests were rejected, the lawsuit alleged.
Internal hospital training documents the attorney general submitted as part of the case showed that St. Joseph workers were advised on how to best collect money from patients before they left the hospital. Instead of saying, "Can you pay today?" employees were told to use phrases like "How would you like to pay for that today? Cash, check or credit card?" according to the documents.
"It became this moneymaking system," Rachael Murphy, a former employee, recalled in an interview. "People would be crying at registration desks, people would be upset, people would walk out."
Pintos, who signed a written statement for the attorney general and was listed as a potential witness in the case, said the hospital never gave her an application even though she had qualified for charity care the previous year. "They made me feel like I wasn't good enough to be there," she said.
St. Joseph recently erased the $839 debt from her credit, but Pintos still owes $1,611 for care from the ER doctors, who have their own practice group and do not have to follow the hospital's charity care policies, according to Franciscan. That bill remains in collections.
'A Gap In Trust'
Nonprofit hospitals provide roughly $14 billion worth of charity care a year, about 2% of their operating costs. But their policies can have notable exemptions, such as excluding bills from doctors who are not on the hospital payrolls.
However, information about hospital charity care, often included in the reams of admissions documents or posted on hospital walls, can easily get overlooked by patients and families focused on medical emergencies.
"The signage might be a little hard to find, applications are complicated, documentation is complicated," said Keith Hearle, a consultant who advised the IRS on collecting hospitals' charity care data. "You could probably come up with 15 reasons people didn't apply."
In their IRS filings explaining the bad debt and in interviews, hospitals said that even when they give applications to patients, some fail to submit them or do not provide complete records of their finances, which can include tax returns and bank statements.
"There is a gap in trust where our patients must not believe that if they are willing to share information, that it will be to their benefit," said June McAllister Fowler, a spokeswoman for BJC HealthCare.
Shana Tate, senior vice president of revenue cycle at Ballad Health, said Ballad is looking to be more proactive.
"We made the assumption that, 'We give you the information. What more do you need?' But we realize a lot of patients don't read it, don't pay attention," Tate said. "They need someone to hold their hand through this process."
Methodist Le Bonheur, which erased more than 6,000 unpaid bills last month, said it is "increasing access to financial assistance information upfront and throughout the patient care journey" and "enhancing the screening process."
Penn Medicine said that, as a safety-net hospital system, it has many patients who are poor or coping with other problems. These people, Penn said, face "barriers to completing the process for aid" and their bills are typically "left unpaid."
Mary Washington did not respond to requests for comment, but after critical news reports last June it announced that it was suspending its lawsuits over unpaid bills and reevaluating its practices.
Laurie Jinkins, a state representative from Tacoma and author of legislation to strengthen Washington's charity care laws, said, "The drive for dollars in the health care system, and the drive for dollars to expand, causes our nonprofit health systems to lose sight of why they're actually here." She said St. Joseph had "really gone off the deep end" in its focus on money.
St. Joseph's practices hark back years, according to the attorney general's lawsuit and interviews with employees and patients.
After Alisha Colyer's husband went to the St. Joseph emergency room with pneumonia in 2007, she said, she tried to apply for help, but the charity care application "was like a book you had to fill out."
"I remember them asking me what make and model my car was, and I was like, 'You want me to sell my car to pay my hospital bill?' " recalled Colyer, who now works at the hospital as a dietary aide.
In a statement, Franciscan noted that St. Joseph and its other hospitals now use a simplified two-page application designed by the state hospital association and have agreed to make charity care easier to obtain. It also offers free care for medically necessary services to patients earning up to three times the poverty level, which is more than most hospitals do.
It is too early to assess how the policy changes translate into results. The most recent Washington state analysis, for 2017, found St. Joseph lagged behind the regional average in the amount of charity care it provided.
KHN data editor Elizabeth Lucas contributed to this report.
METHODOLOGY
Bad debt figures were derived from the IRS 990 tax returns filed electronically by nonprofit hospital organizations. That information was downloaded in data form from the IRS website on May 7, 2019, by Jacob Fenton, an independent consultant, and analyzed by Kaiser Health News. Returns that included Schedule H, which only hospital-owning nonprofits must file, were analyzed.
For each organization identification number, we selected the return with the most recent tax period end date. In case of duplicates such as amended returns, only the return with the most recent end date and the most recent signature filing date was selected. Because there were still a few duplicates, the one with the largest unique return identifier was selected. The most recent tax returns for 2,508 nonprofits were identified.
Organizations must report their bad debt — bills they have given up on collecting — and, separately, estimate the bad debt "that reasonably is attributable to patients who likely would qualify for financial assistance under the hospital's financial assistance policy … but for whom insufficient information was obtained to determine their eligibility." Generally, both figures are greater than the actual cost of providing the services: They are the amount the hospital expected to be paid. For our analysis, we calculated the percentage of bad debt that the organization attributed to patients who might qualify for financial assistance.
A handful of bad debt figures were reported as negative numbers. Those were converted to positives. The amounts were not significant enough to substantially affect aggregates or the analysis's conclusions.
VCU Health, the major Richmond medical system that includes the state’s largest teaching hospital, said it will no longer file lawsuits against its patients.
This article was first published on Wednesday, October 9, 2019 in Kaiser Health News.
VCU Health, the major Richmond medical system that includes the state's largest teaching hospital, said it will no longer file lawsuits against its patients, ending a practice that has affected tens of thousands of people over the years.
VCU's in-house physician group filed more than 56,000 lawsuits against patients for $81 million over the seven years ending in 2018, according to a Kaiser Health News analysis of district court data. Those suits will end and VCU will increase financial assistance for lower-income families treated at the $2.16 billion system, according to Melinda Hancock, VCU's chief administrative and financial officer.
Kaiser Health News recently reported that UVA Health, the University of Virginia system, had filed more than 36,000 suits over six years against patients who could not pay their bills. That revelation, published last month inThe Washington Post, led UVA to pledge to "positively, drastically" reduce patient lawsuits.
VCU's new stance on lawsuits goes beyond UVA's, which promised to stop suing only patients whose income is below 400% of poverty guidelines. UVA officials did not respond to requests for comment.
VCU's flagship hospital, VCU Medical Center, hasn't filed patient suits in at least seven years, Hancock said in an interview this week. But its in-house physician group continued to sue patients and families for overdue bills.
That approach stopped as of last month, she said. VCU Health, a state-operated system including Richmond's VCU School of Medicine and Community Memorial Hospital in South Hill, Va., will stop suing patients "as part of normal debt collection," she said. It is also ending garnishment of patient wages and attaching liens to patient homes, she said.
Hancock said VCU has been considering changing its policies since last year but recent revelations about UVA "expedited" the decision. Starting in June, KHN had requested comment from VCU officials about the health system's financial assistance and lawsuits.
"We don't want to be part of that," she said about patient lawsuits, which are a standard tool for many hospitals seeking to maximize revenue. "We feel that taking care of the patient's financial health is taking care of their holistic health."
The system, affiliated with Virginia Commonwealth University, is also considering "how we should address pending lawsuits and retrospective cases," said spokeswoman Laura Rossacher.
VCU Health will continue to send unpaid debts to collections and report patients with overdue bills to credit agencies.
"We still need to get our bills paid," Hancock said. "We do need to deploy reasonable collection efforts."
Policy scholars said the new guidelines, which would make VCU's collection and billing practices among the most liberal for Virginia hospitals, would still leave many patients vulnerable to credit downgrades, financial hardship and bankruptcy.
"This certainly seems like progress," said Sara Rosenbaum, a health law professor at George Washington University. But even if no lawsuit is filed, "being an apparent deadbeat on a bill written off as bad debt has terrible and enduring consequences on folks."
Negative credit reports from a hospital, even without a court case, can send families into a downward spiral, said Gerard Anderson, director of the Johns Hopkins Center for Hospital Finance and Management.
"If they send you to a collection agency, you're not able to borrow any money because that's going to put you in such a poor credit rating," he said. "You cannot expect somebody to pay a $10,000 or $20,000 bill if they don't have insurance."
Analysts also criticized as inadequate VCU's new discounts to the uninsured. Last year, the system started reducing list prices by 45% for those lacking coverage. The previous discount was 25%. Almost nobody pays list charges, which hospitals typically use as a starting point for negotiations with insurers.
But VCU's average cost of care is 77% below list charges, according to 2017 government filings. That means the uninsured are still paying a big markup under the new policy.
"Most uninsured have very little income, and asking them to pay twice as much as it costs to deliver care is not appropriate," Anderson said. "It is no wonder why so many cannot pay the bills."
Uninsured patients paying promptly can receive discounts of up to 55%, Rossacher said. But few are able to do that.
Like UVA, VCU is raising the income threshold for patients seeking financial assistance ― in its case, awarding aid to families with income up to 300% above the federal poverty level, or $77,000 for a family of four. For most patients, the previous cutoff was 200%, or $52,000, for a family of four.
That aid threshold takes effect in November. VCU officials declined to give an estimate of what the new policies would cost the system.
KHN analyzed lawsuits filed by VCU and other hospitals using civil court data collected by Code for Hampton Roads, a nonprofit focusing on improving government technology.
"VCU Health System and its affiliated physicians are making important policy changes that are long overdue," said Jill Hanken, a health care attorney for the Virginia Poverty Law Center. She urged "further and ongoing oversight" from lawmakers to ensure appropriate indigent care policies.
Virginia Gov. Ralph Northam, a physician, has said little publicly about the state hospitals and doctors under his leadership that often pursue patients for all they are worth.
"No one should go bankrupt because they get sick," said Northam spokeswoman Alena Yarmosky. "Gov. Northam is glad to see health systems taking real steps to put Virginians first and address aggressive bill collection practices."
VCU will continue reviewing its collections and assistance policies, Hancock said. "This is an ongoing process," she said. "It doesn't' stop here."
One impetus to dropping lawsuits was an increasing number of patients with health insurance who still have trouble paying, she said.
"With the rise of high-deductible plans," in which patients pay thousands before insurance kicks in, she said, "we just felt that there are other collection efforts that were more suitable now."
Methodology KHN analyzed civil case records from the Virginia district courts from 2012 to 2018, based on the date the case was filed. The case records were part of a dataset KHN acquired from Ben Schoenfeld, a volunteer for Code for Hampton Roads, a nonprofit focused on improving government technology. Schoenfeld compiled court records available directly from Virginia's court system (from both circuit and district courts) and posted them on the website VirginiaCourtData.org. The analysis included all "warrant in debt" cases where the plaintiff was listed as MCV Physicians.
Imagine a government program that would mobilize volunteers to help older adults across the nation age in place. One is on the way.
The Administration for Community Living, part of the Department of Health and Human Services, is taking steps to establish a National Volunteer Care Corps.
If it's successful, healthy retirees and young adults would take seniors to doctor appointments, shop for groceries, shovel snowy sidewalks, make a bed or mop the floor, or simply visit a few times a week.
Older adults would not only get a hand with household tasks, but also companionship and relief from social isolation. And family caregivers could get a break.
Younger volunteers might get class credit at a community college or small stipends. Older volunteers could enjoy a satisfying sense of purpose.
There's no question the need is enormous, as the ranks of the oldest Americans ― those age 85 and up, who tend to have multiple chronic illnesses and difficulty performing daily tasks ― are set to swell to 14.6 million in 2040, up from more than 6 million now.
Who will care for these seniors? More than 34 million unpaid family caregivers currently shoulder that responsibility, along with 3.3 million paid personal care and home health aides. (Medicare does not pay for long-term care services or non-medical services in the home.)
According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, more than 1.2 million new paid jobs of this kind will be needed by 2028. But filling them will be hard, given low pay, difficult work conditions, limited opportunities for professional advancement and high turnover.
This notion of a domestic Peace Corps for caregiving, if you will, has been circulating since2013, when it surfaced in a Twitter chat on elder care. In 2017and 2018, bills introduced in Congress proposed a demonstration project, unsuccessfully.
Now, four organizations will spearhead the Care Corps project: the Oasis Institute, which runs the nation's largest volunteer intergenerational tutoring program; the Caregiver Action Network; the National Association of Area Agencies on Aging; and the Altarum Institute, which works to improve care for vulnerable older adults.
The initial grant to the group is $3.8 million; total funding for the five-year project is expected to be $19 million, according to Greg Link, director of the ACL's office of supportive and caregiver services.
This fall, project leaders will invite organizations across the country to submit proposals to serve "non-medical" needs of older adults and younger adults with disabilities. Next spring, up to 30 organizations will get 18-month grants of $30,000 to $250,000, according to Juliet Simone, director of national health at the Oasis Institute.
The goal is to discover innovative, effective programs that offer services to diverse communities (geographic, racial and ethnic) and that can be replicated in multiple locations.
"We want the organizations that apply to be very flexible and creative," said Anne Montgomery, deputy director of Altarum's Program to Improve Eldercare. "And we're aiming to create a volunteer infrastructure that can last and be sustainable."
All volunteers will undergo background checks and training, and there will be an emphasis on evaluating program results.
"We want to be able to say, 'Here are the services that people really need, and these are the types of things that work well for specific populations,'" said John Schall, CEO of the Caregiver Action Network. Services could include preparing meals, taking seniors to church or home-based tech support for computer users, among many other possibilities.
Care Corps faces several challenges. A big one: The grant is tiny, compared with the trillions of dollars spent on health care. It could take a long time to build it into a national effort that attracts more investment.
Project leaders are optimistic. To nonprofit organizations working in the aging field, "it's a lot of money ― they can do quite a lot with these grants," said Sandy Markwood, CEO of the National Association of Area Agencies on Aging. Programs may find ways to license successful models, and local and national foundations may step in with additional support, Simone said.
Recruiting volunteers could be another challenge. At the Center for Volunteer Caregiving in Cary, N.C., which has been providing "friendly visiting," transportation and caregiver respite services for 27 years, "it's the biggest issue we face," said executive director Elaine Whitford.
Because her organization focuses on building relationships with seniors, it asks volunteers to commit to at least a year. "We get a lot of interest," Whitford said, "then people realize that this just isn't going to fit into their schedule."
Helen Anderson, 86, has sickle cell disease, lupus and chronic pain. She lives alone in a Cary apartment. Without help from the center's volunteers, three women and a man who've taken her shopping, cleaned her apartment and done her laundry since 2008, she said, "I could not live independently."
Scores of volunteer programs serving seniors and people with disabilities already exist, but most are small and many older adults and their families don't know about them. How they'll interact with the Care Corps is not yet clear.
One of the largest is Seniors Corps, run by the Corporation for National and Community Service. Through its Senior Companion program, volunteers age 55 and older visit needy older adults and help them with tasks such as shopping or paying bills. About 10,500 volunteers spend 15 to 20 hours a week, on average, serving 33,000 seniors through this program.
Recent research from Senior Corps demonstrates that volunteers receive benefits while giving to others ― a finding confirmed by a large body of research. After two years of service, 88% of Senior Corps volunteers reported feeling less isolated, while 78% said they felt less depressed.
To learn if Service Corps' companion program is available near you, use this new tool on its website. The group also offers less intensive services to 300,000 older adults and people with disabilities through its Retired Senior Volunteer Program.
To learn about other volunteer programs in your community, contact a local senior center, a nearby Area Agency on Aging or your county's department of aging, experts suggest. ACL's Eldercare Locator can help you identify these organizations.
Another source is the National Volunteer Caregiving Network, which lists about 700 programs, most of them church-based, on its website.
"Volunteer caregiving can make the difference between someone having quality of life and not having any at all," said Inez Russell, board chair of the organization. She's also the founder of Friends for Life, a Texas program that offers volunteer aid to seniors trying to live independently and that reaches out to seniors who don't have family members on birthdays and holidays, among other services. Altogether, the two programs reach about 4,000 people a year.
In Montpelier, Vt., Joan Black, who's 88 and lives alone in a one-bedroom apartment, has been a member of Onion River Exchange ― a time bank ― for 10 years. Onion River members contribute goods and services (a ride to the airport, a homemade casserole, a newly knit baby sweater) to the time bank and receive goods and services in exchange. For years, Black gave out information about the exchange at farmers markets and other community events ― her way of banking credits.
"It's a form of volunteerism that "creates a sense of community for many people," said Edisa Muller, chairwoman of the Onion River board.
For Black, who lives on a small fixed income and can't vacuum, scrub her tub, dust her wooden furniture or shovel the driveway that leads to her apartment, participating in the time bank has become a way to meet new people and remain integrated with the community.
"I like a tidy house: When things are out of order, I'm out or order," she said. "I don't believe I'd be able to do everything I do or live the way I do without their help."
Dean Ernest had been living in a nursing home about a year when his son, John, got a call last winter asking if his father was experiencing back pain and would like a free orthotic brace.
The caller said he was with Medicare. John Ernest didn't believe him, said "no" to the brace and hung up. He didn't give out his father's Medicare number.
And yet, not just one, but 13 braces arrived soon afterward at Ernest's house in central Pennsylvania.
Medicare, the federal taxpayer-supported health care insurance program for older Americans, had paid over $4,000 for 10 of the braces: a back brace, two knee braces, two arm braces, two suspension sleeves, an ankle brace, a wrist brace and a heel stabilizer.
The orders came from four medical equipment companies and were prescribed by four separate health care professionals — a prescription being required to receive an orthotic brace. But Ernest said he didn't talk to any doctors during the phone call.
That's how the latest Medicare frauds work, said Ariel Rabinovic, who works with Pennsylvania's Center for Advocacy for the Rights & Interests of the Elderly. He helped report Ernest's fraud case to authorities at Medicare. Rabinovic said the fraudsters enlist health professionals — doctors, physician assistants, nurse practitioners — to contact people they've never met by telephone or video chat under the guise of a telemedicine consultation.
"Sometimes the teledoctors will come on the line and ask real Mickey Mouse questions, stuff like, "Do you have any pain?" explained Rabinovic. "But oftentimes, there is no contact between the doctor and the patient before they get the braces. And in almost all of the cases, the person prescribing the braces is somebody the Medicare beneficiaries don't know."
While prescriptions for durable medical equipment, such as orthotic braces or wheelchairs, have long been a staple of Medicare fraud schemes, the manipulation of telemedicine is relatively new. The practice appears to be increasing as the telemedicine industry grows.
"This has put telemedicine scams on Medicare's radar with growing urgency," said James Quiggle, director of communications for the Coalition Against Insurance Fraud.
In the past year, the Department of Health and Human Services Office of Inspector General, the Department of Justice and, in some cases, the FBI, have busted at least five health care fraud schemes that involved telemedicine. Typically in these schemes, scammers use sham telemedicine companies to scale up their operations quickly and cheaply — they can have a couple of doctors remotely writing a large number of prescriptions.
Often the doctors working for these outfits don't perform medical consultations, but rather write prescriptions without talking to patients, as in Ernest's case. Of course, that is not how telemedicine is designed to work.
In April 2019, the DOJ announced investigators had disrupted what they called "one of the largest Medicare fraud schemes in U.S. history." Operation Brace Yourself cracked an international scheme allegedly defrauding Medicare of more than $1.2 billion by using telemedicine doctors to prescribe unnecessary back, shoulder, wrist and knee braces to beneficiaries.
The DOJ charged 24 people, including three medical professionals and the corporate executives of five telemedicine companies.
According to federal court documents, Willie McNeal of Spring Hill, Fla., owned two of the "purported" telemedicine companies, WebDoctors Plus and Integrated Support Plus.
Federal investigators allege that through Integrated Support Plus, McNeal hired and paid a New Jersey doctor, Joseph DeCorso, to write prescriptions for braces. DeCorso recently pleaded guilty to one count of conspiracy to commit health care fraud.
DeCorso admitted to writing medically unnecessary brace orders for telemedicine companies without speaking to beneficiaries or doing physical exams. He also admitted that his conduct resulted in a $13 million loss to Medicare. He has agreed to pay over $7 million in restitution to the federal government.
McNeal got the Medicare beneficiaries' information for DeCorso to write the prescriptions from telemarketing companies, according to the indictment. Then, authorities allege, McNeal sent the prescriptions back to the same telemarketing companies in exchange for payments described as kickbacks and bribes.
Federal investigators allege these telemarketing companies sold the prescriptions to the durable medical equipment companies, who in turn billed Medicare for the braces.
McNeal's lawyer said he could not discuss his client's case because it is pending. DeCorso's lawyer did not respond to multiple requests for comment.
The U.S. attorneys allege the money made from the scheme was hidden through international shell corporations and used to buy luxury real estate, exotic automobiles and yachts.
It's clearly a profitable business. Taxpayers are the ones who ultimately pay for Medicare fraud, which often leads to higher health care premiums and out-of-pocket costs.
Medicare spending on back, knee and ankle braces highlighted in the inspector general's investigationsincreased by over $200 million from 2013 to 2017, according to an analysis of Medicare data by Kaiser Health News. While the number of Medicare fee-for-service beneficiaries increased slightly, by 5%, from 2013 to 2017, spending on the three types of braces increased by 51% during that same period.
In an April news release about Operation Brace Yourself, Assistant Attorney General Brian Benczkowski of the DOJ's Criminal Division called the Medicare scheme "an expansive and sophisticated fraud to exploit telemedicine technology meant for patients otherwise unable to access health care."
Nathaniel Lacktman, a lawyer who represents telemedicine companies and organizations, was quick to point out that the industry does not recognize the fraudsters involved in these schemes as legitimate businesses.
"These are actually really sketchy online marketing companies participating in these schemes who are billing themselves as telemedicine," said Lacktman, who works in the Tampa office of the law firm Foley & Lardner. "But in fact, they're companies we've never heard of."
All of this comes at a time when Medicare and Medicare Advantage are expanding telemedicine, though the programs have been slower to adopt it than the private sector, said Laura Laemmle-Weidenfeld, a health care lawyer at the law firm Jones Day.
"I would hate for Medicare to fall even further behind with telehealth," said Laemmle-Weidenfeld, who previously worked in the Fraud Section of the DOJ's Civil Division. "The vast majority of telehealth providers are legitimate, but as with anything there are a few bad apples," she said.
Even with the recent federal busts, the scams continue.
Travis Trumitch, who works for the Illinois nonprofit AgeOptions, which helps report Medicare fraud in the state, said he received three voicemails over a recent weekend reporting suspected durable medical equipment scams.
John Ernest said he still receives calls every day with individuals on the line who say they work for Medicare and ask for Dean Ernest's information — though his father died in April.
But Ernest can't change his phone number because it's the main line associated with his painting business.
"It really drives me crazy," said Ernest. "How many people are they ripping off?"
KHN data editor Elizabeth Lucas contributed to this report.
SALINA, Kan. — The University of Kansas School of Medicine-Salina opened in 2011 — a one-building campus in the heart of wheat country dedicated to producing the rural doctors the country needs.
Now, eight years later, the school's first graduates are settling into their chosen practices — and locales. And those choices are cause for both hope and despair.
Of the eight graduates, just three chose to go where the shortages are most evident. Two went to small cities with populations of fewer than 50,000. And three chose the big cities of Topeka (estimated 2018 population: 125,904) and Wichita (389,255) instead.
Their decisions illustrate the challenges facing rural recruitment: the lack of small-town residencies, the preferences of spouses and the isolation that comes with practicing medicine on one's own.
But the mission is critical: About two-thirds of the primary care health professional shortage areas designated by the federal Health Resources and Services Administration in June were in rural or partially rural areas. And it's only getting worse.
So Salina's creation of a few rural physicians a year is a start, and, surprisingly, one of the country's most promising.
Only 40 out of the nation's more than 180 medical schools offer a rural track. The Association of American Medical Colleges ranked KU School of Medicine, which includes Salina, Wichita and Kansas City campuses, in the 96th percentile last year for producing doctors working in rural settings 10 to 15 years after graduation.
"The addition of one physician is huge," said Dr. William Cathcart-Rake, the founding dean of the Salina campus. "One physician choosing to come may be the difference of communities surviving or dissolving."
The Draw Of Rural Life
By placing the new campus in Salina (population: 46,716), surrounded by small towns for at least 50 miles in every direction, the university hoped to attract and foster students who had — and would deepen — a bond to rural communities.
And, for some, it worked out pretty much as planned.
One of the school's first graduates, Dr. Sara Ritterling Patry, lives in Hutchinson (population: 40,623). Less than an hour from Wichita, it isn't the most rural community, but it's small enough that she still runs into her patients at Dillons, the local grocery store.
"Just being in a smaller community like this feels like to me that I can actually get to know my patients and spend a little extra time with them," she said.
After all, part of the allure of a rural practice is providing care womb to tomb. The doctor learns how to deliver the town's babies, while serving as the county coroner and the public health expert all at once, said Dr. Robert Moser, the head of the University of Kansas School of Medicine-Salina and former head of the state health department.
He would know — he worked for 22 years in Tribune, Kan. (population: 742).
For another of the original Salina eight, Dr. Tyson Wisinger, that calling brought him back to his hometown of Phillipsburg (population: 2,486) after his residency. His kids will go to his old high school, where his graduating class was all of 13 people, and he'll take care of their baseball teammates. Plus, they'll grow up living minutes away from generations of extended family.
"I can't have imagined a situation that could have been more rewarding," Wisinger said.
The Rural Challenge
The Original Salina Eight
Three went the urban route:
Dr. Erik Dill decided to be a pathology specialist in more urban Wichita.
Dr. Claire Hinrichsen Groskurth, who intended to practice in a more rural area, is now in Wichita working as an OB-GYN.
Dr. Rany Gilpatrick wanted a more flexible, outpatient schedule as a pediatrician instead of the on-call in-patient life, so she works in Topeka.
Two work in smaller towns:
Dr. Sara Ritterling Patry practices internal medicine in Hutchinson, Kan., to help accommodate her husband's farming business.
And Dr. Kayla Johnson stayed in Salina as a pediatrician.
And the final three might as well be poster children for the movement:
Dr. Tyson Wisinger returned to his Kansas hometown of Phillipsburg to practice family medicine.
Drs. Daniel Linville and Jill Corpstein Linville married each other and were recruited to Lakin, Kan., by a rural practice to work in family medicine.
But the road to rural family medicine also includes a thing called "windshield time" — the amount of time needed to travel between clinics or head to the closest Walmart.
Then there's figuring out just how far their patients will need to drive to get to the nearest hospital — which for Drs. Daniel Linville and Jill Corpstein Linville is a solid four hours for more advanced care from their new practice in Lakin, Kan. (population: 2,195).
Their outpost in southwestern Kansas can feel a little bit like a fishbowl. "We do life with some of our patients," Corpstein Linville said.
Already, the Linvilles have delivered babies and handled a variety of ailments there.
The pair met and married during their four years in Salina — they jokingly call it a "full-service med school." They completed a family medicine residency in Muncie, Ind. Then they were recruited by a rural practice that helped them avoid what Moser calls the most dreaded words in rural medicine: "solo practice."
New doctors don't want to practice alone, especially as they develop their sea legs, due to the strains of constantly being on call and having singular responsibility for a town. Telemedicine, where doctors can easily consult with other physicians around the country via web video or phone, is helping, as are physician assistants.
Diverging From The Path
Dr. Claire Hinrichsen Groskurth, another member of the first graduating class, always intended to return to a small town similar to where she grew up.
"The first thing that threw me off was I fell in love with surgery and OB-GYN," she said. "Then the second thing that threw me off was marrying another doctor," whose life goals headed in a different direction.
She'd been a member of the Scholars in Rural Health program at Kansas University that seeks out rural college students who are interested in medicine. She also had committed to the Kansas Medical Student Loan program, which promises to forgive physicians' tuition and gives a monthly stipend if they agree to work in counties that need physicians, or in other critical capacities.
But when she realized she might specialize, she decided to take out federal loans for her final years. She had to pay back the first year of the special loan with 15% interest.
Plus, her now-husband, who went to Kansas University's Wichita campus, needed to be in a large enough city to accommodate further training to become a surgeon. So Hinrichsen Groskurth delivers babies as she thought she would — but in Wichita.
The spousal coin can flip both ways: Ritterling Patry needed to find a place that worked for her husband's farming of corn, sorghum, soybeans and wheat. So the smaller city of Hutchinson it was.
Flaws In The Pipeline
Most medical school students come from urban areas and are destined to stay there, said Alan Morgan, the head of the National Rural Health Association. Producing doctors for the vast swaths of rural America needs to be more of a priority at every step in the education pipeline, experts said.
Many academic centers sell students on the party line that they'll be overworked, underappreciated and underpaid, according to Dr. Mark Deutchman, director of the University of Colorado School of Medicine's rural program. "They take people who are interested in primary care or rural and beat it out of them throughout their training," he said.
And that kind of rhetoric often influences the opinion of their medical school peers, which those in rural health might resent.
"Small does not mean stupid," Moser said.
Medical students everywhere should be exposed to rural options, according to Dr. Randall Longenecker, who runs Ohio University Heritage College of Osteopathic Medicine's rural programs.
"If a medical student never ever goes to a rural place, they never find out," he said. "That's why students need to meet rural doctors who love what they do."
The federal government recently allocated $20 million in grants to help create 27 rural residency programs — programs where newly minted doctors go for practical training before they can be fully licensed. That's a big jump from the 92 programs now active.
For Jill Corpstein Linville, the pipeline also needs to start at more schools like Salina that are promoting rural medicine from Day One.
"So when you hear rural medicine, you know that it's a thing and don't kind of cringe," she said. "You don't think it's someone taking care of a cow."
Millions of older adults can start signing up next week for private policies offering Medicare drug and medical coverage for 2020. But many risk wasting money and even jeopardizing their health care due to changes in Medicare's plan finder, its most popular website.
For more than a decade, beneficiaries used the plan finder to compare dozens of Medicare policies offered by competing insurance companies and get a list of their options. Yet after a website redesign six weeks ago, the search results are missing crucial details: How much will you pay out-of-pocket? And which plan offers the best value?
That's because the plan finder can no longer add up and sort through the prescription costs plus monthly premiums and any deductibles for all those plans. A mere human can try, but it is a cumbersome process fraught with pitfalls. One plan might have the lowest premium but not the lowest drug prices. Another could exclude a plan's preferred pharmacy that offers lower prescription prices.
"We can't guarantee you that you're going to be in the best plan or the cheapest plan anymore," said Howard Houghton, the former Fairfax County coordinator for the Virginia Insurance Counseling and Assistance Program who still helps with enrollment as a volunteer.
Using the old plan finder produced big savings. Counselors at Passages, the Senior Health Insurance Information Program (SHIP) serving five counties in Northern California, said in August they used it to save one woman $8,400 for this year and more than $5,000 when helping another client.
Medicare officials say the total cost calculator will be fixed in time for the annual enrollment season, which starts nationwide Oct. 15 and runs through Dec. 7. But they have yet to address multiple other issues raised by the Medicare Rights Center and industry groups.
"The new tool will provide more enhanced price and quality information" to assure informed health care decisions, Seema Verma, administrator at the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, said when she unveiled the redesign in August.
During open enrollment, beneficiaries can sign up for Medicare Advantage plans, the alternative to traditional Medicare that offer drug coverage and often more benefits than the government program does. About a third of the 64 million people in Medicare choose this option. Next year, the average Medicare Advantage monthly premium is expected to drop 14% compared with 2019 to an estimated $23, according to CMS.
This is also the only time most people in traditional Medicare can sign up for a drug plan, also known as Part D, to help cover their prescription costs. It's a good idea to review plans every year since costs and covered drugs can change from year to year. Estimated average monthly premiums for these policies will be $30 next year, about 8% less than in 2019, CMS has reported.
Medicare Advantage plans next year are allowed to offer new additional benefits for people with certain chronic diseases, such as dementia, diabetes or heart disease. That's on top of the non-medical benefits that are not tied to a person's health problems they were allowed to add this year, such as home-delivered meals after a hospitalization, transportation to medical appointments and minor home improvements, such as grab bars to prevent falls in the bathroom.
Next year, the additional services some Advantage plans will offer hardly sound like insurance benefits: pest control, dog food for service animals, home-delivered meals and discounted groceries.
"It's really shifting from reactive care to preventative care," said Martin Esquivel, vice president for Medicare product management at Anthem, which will offer those and other new perks to some of its more than a million Medicare Advantage members.
Smaller Medicare Advantage plans have also expanded benefits. The 60,000 Alignment Healthcare members in some California, Florida and North Carolina plans will have access to free transportation to doctor appointments from Uber or Lyft.
To address social isolation, some California members who also have certain chronic diseases can receive visits from "Grandkids On-Demand," college students who can help with light housekeeping and provide companionship for up to two hours a day. Humana and Aetna will also offer the service in some plans.
But most insurers are not embracing the opportunity to add extra benefits.
"Of those Medicare Advantage plans affected by the new rules, 10% (or about 500) offered new supplemental benefits in 2020 for people with serious chronic illnesses, such as in-home services, palliative care, respite support for people's caregivers or adult day care," said Robert Saunders, research director for payment and delivery reform at Duke University's Margolis Center for Health Policy. He is still analyzing the other categories of extra benefits.
UnitedHealthcare, which controls 26% of the Medicare Advantage market, is focused"on providing the core medical benefits, which is why people purchase health insurance in the first place," said Steve Warner, vice president of the UHC Medicare Advantage product team."Most consumers don't want to buy a plan that's been loaded up with ancillary benefits that they don't think they're going to use."
Instead, the insurer is offering more plans that do not restrict members to a network of health care providers and introducing specialized plans for people with diabetes or dementia, among other changes.
Because new extra benefits will not be accessible in every county, seniors may need to do some detective work to find out what's available. Using the plan finder, it's possible to narrow down the Medicare Advantage choices only to those plans that offer hearing, vision, dental, fitness and transportation coverage.
Bonnie Burns, a consultant to California Health Advocates, recommends that customers call insurers to confirm details before signing up.
Among the improvements in the new plan finder is the ability to compare estimated costs of Medicare Advantage plans against coverage under traditional Medicare with a separate drug plan and one of 11 kinds of Medigap supplement plans, which cover all or some of the out-of-pocket costs Medicare doesn't pay for.
But the monthly premiums listed for Medigap policies ― at least in some areas ― are wildly off course. According to the plan finder, a senior in San Francisco can buy a Medigap plan for as little as $20.83 a month. Yet such a plan is not included in the rate chart published by the California Department of Insurance, which lists the cheapest bare-bones policy for a 65-year-old at four times more.
With a more complicated, slower enrollment process, it's likely that older adults will need more help. And help may be scarce.
"It means fewer people that we get to see because we're giving each one more time," said Alicia Jones, administrator of the state SHIP program at Nebraska's Department of Insurance.
To find your local SHIP program, call 1-877-839-2675 or visit www.shiptacenter.org/.
Hospitals cannot discharge patients if they have no safe place to go, so patients who are homeless, frail, living alone, or experiencing an unstable housing situation, can occupy hospital beds long after their acute medical problem is resolved.
DENVER — One patient at Denver Health, the city's largest safety net hospital, occupied a bed for more than four years—a hospital record of 1,558 days.
Another admitted for a hard-to-treat bacterial infection needed eight weeks of at-home IV antibiotics, but had no home.
A third, with dementia, came to the hospital after being released from the Denver County Jail. His family refused to take him back.
In the first half of this year alone, the hospital treated more than 100 long-term patients. All had a medical issue that led to their initial hospitalization. But none of the patients had a medical reason for remaining in the hospital for most of their stay.
Legally and morally, hospitals cannot discharge patients if they have no safe place to go. So patients who are homeless, frail or live alone, or have unstable housing, can occupy hospital beds for weeks or months—long after their acute medical problem is resolved. For hospitals, it means losing money because a patient lingering in a bed without medical problems doesn't generate much, if any, income. Meanwhile, acutely ill patients may wait days in the ER to be moved to a floor because a hospital's beds are full.
"Those people are, for lack of a better term, stranded in our hospital," said Dr. Sarah Stella, a Denver Health physician.
To address the problem, hospitals from Baltimore to St. Louis to Sacramento, Calif., are exploring ways to help patients find a home. With recent federal policy changes that encourage hospitals to allocate charity dollars for housing, many hospitals realize it's cheaper to provide a month of housing than to keep patients for a single night.
Hospital executives find the calculus works even if they have to build affordable housing units themselves. It's why Denver Health is partnering with the Denver Housing Authority to repurpose a mothballed building on the hospital campus into affordable senior housing, including about 15 apartments designated to help homeless patients transition out of the hospital.
"This is an experiment of sorts," said Peg Burnette, the hospital's chief financial officer. "We might be able to help better their lives, as well as help the financials of the hospital and help free up capacity for the patients that need to come to see us for acute care."
Spending To Save Money
Denver Health once used the shuttered 10-story building for office space but opted to sell it to the housing authority and grant a 99-year lease on the land for a minimal fee.
"It really lowers the construction costs for us," said Ismael Guerrero, Denver Housing Authority's executive director. "It was a great opportunity to build additional housing in a location that's obviously close to the hospital, close to public transit, near the city center."
Once the renovation is complete in late 2021, the housing group will hire a coordinator to assist tenants with housing-related issues, including helping those in the transitional units find permanent housing. The hospital will provide a case manager to help with their physical and behavioral health needs, preparing them for life on their own. Denver Health expects most patients will be able to move on from the transitional units within 90 days.
The hospital will pay for the housing portion itself. That will still be far cheaper than what the hospital currently spends.
It costs Denver Health $2,700 a night to keep someone in the hospital. Patients who are prime candidates for the transitional units stay on average 73 days, for a total cost to the hospital of nearly $200,000. The hospital estimates it would cost a fraction of that, about $10,000, to house a patient for a year instead.
"The hospital really is like the most expensive form of housing," Stella said.
Growing Interest
A recent report from the Urban Institute found that while most hospital officials are well aware of how poor housing affects a patient's recovery, they were stymied about how to address the issue.
"It's on the radar of almost all hospitals," said Kathryn Reynolds, who co-authored the report. "But it seemed like actually making investments in housing, providing some type of financing or an investment in land or something that has a good amount of value seems to be less widespread."
The report found housing investment has been more likely among hospitals with their own health plans or other types of arrangements in which they were receiving a fixed amount of money to care for a group of patients. Getting patients into housing could lower their costs and increase their operating margins. Others, particularly religiously affiliated and children's hospitals, sought housing solutions as part of their charitable mission.
Reynolds said the trend is due in part to the Affordable Care Act, which requires hospitals to perform a community needs assessment to help guide their charitable efforts. That prompted more hospitals to consider the social needs of their patients and pushed housing concerns up the list. Additionally, the Internal Revenue Service clarified in 2015 that hospitals could claim housing investments as charitable spending required under their tax-free status. And provisions included in the 2017 tax cut bill provided significant tax savings for investors in newly designated opportunity zones, increasing their interest in affordable housing projects.
Some hospitals, she said, may use their cash reserves to invest in housing projects that generate a lower return than other investment options because it furthers their mission, not just their profits.
In other cases, hospital systems play a facilitator role—using their access to cheap credit or serving as an anchor tenant in a larger development—to help get a project off the ground.
"Housing is not their business," Guerrero said. "It's not an easy space to get into if you don't have the experience, if you don't have a real estate development team in-house to understand how to put these deals together."
Cutting Costs
In the southwestern corner of Colorado, Centura Health's Mercy Regional Medical Center has partnered with Housing Solutions for the Southwest to prioritize housing vouchers for frequent users of the emergency room.
Under a program funded by the Catholic Health Initiatives, Mercy hired a social worker and a case manager to review records of frequent emergency room patients. They quickly realized how big an issue housing was for those patients. Many had diabetes and depended on insulin—which needs refrigeration. Kidney failure was one of the most costly diagnoses for the hospital.
Once patients received housing vouchers and found stable housing, though, costs began to drop.
"We now knew where they were. We knew that they had a safe place to live," said Elsa Inman, program coordinator at Mercy Regional. "We knew they would be more effective in managing their chronic conditions."
The patients with stable housing were more likely to make it to their primary care and specialist appointments, more likely to stay on top of medications and keep their chronic conditions in check.
The combination of intensive case management and patient engagement helped to halve ER visits for the first 146 patients in the program, saving nearly $495,000 in Medicaid spending in less than three years.
"Hospitals are businesses and nonprofits are businesses," said Brigid Korce, program development director for Housing Solutions. "They are bottom-line, dollars-and-cents people."
Inman acknowledged that the hospital might have missed out on some revenue by reducing ER use by these patients. Hospitals are still largely paid by the number of patients they treat and the number of services they provide.
But most of those patients were covered by Medicaid, so reimbursements were low anyway. And the move freed up more ER beds for patients with more critical needs.
"We want to be prepared for life-threatening conditions," Inman said. "If you've got most of your beds taken up by someone who can be receiving patient care outside in the community, then that's the right thing to do."
That was less of an issue for the inpatients at Denver Health. Because hospitals are generally paid a fixed amount for a given diagnosis, the longer a patient stays in the hospital, the more money the hospital loses.
"They've basically exhausted their benefit under any plan because they don't meet medical necessity anymore," Burnette said. "If they had a home, they would go home. But they don't, so they stay in the hospital."
The president took aim at the overhaul plans advocated by his Democratic opponents and claimed Republicans are committed to protecting people with preexisting conditions, before signing an executive order to expand Medicare Advantage.
President Donald Trump offered a preview of what his 2020 health agenda might look like in a speech Thursday—blasting Democratic proposals for reform and saying he would tackle issues such as prescription drug prices and affordability.
He outlined the pillars of his health care vision, which included protecting vulnerable patients; delivering affordable care and prescription drugs; providing choices and control; and improving care for veterans.
In the speech, delivered in The Villages, Fla., before the president signed an executive order to expand Medicare Advantage, Trump also took aim at overhaul plans being advocated by his Democratic opponents, claiming their approach would "put everyone into a single socialist government-run program that would end private insurance."
He said he and Republicans are committed to protecting people who have preexisting conditions—a claim that PolitiFact and Kaiser Health News previously rated False, because of his administration's policies.
And, in keeping with the Medicare Advantage theme, he spoke about a controversial move by the Obama administration to reduce future payments to that program by $800 billion. (This point, previously examined by PolitFact, was found to be Half True—but Trump didn't note that the reductions didn't affect the program's beneficiaries, or that he has used a similar approach in projecting future Medicare spending reductions.)
He challenged Congress to approve legislation to curb surprise medical bills and lauded improvements in the veterans' health system.
But the speech included several other claims directed at Democrats and the currently buzzy proposal of "Medicare for All" that could easily have left some people befuddled. We broke down a few.
Trump told his audience that "Democrats are draining your health care to finance the open borders."
We asked the White House for the basis of this remark and never got a specific answer. But there are various issues to examine.
In August, the president argued that Democrats "support giving illegal immigrants free healthcare at our expense." But that isn't accurate. The statement, part of a Trump 2020 television advertisement, was rated Mostly False.
That claim examined Democratic candidates who had said during one of the televised debates that their health care plans would provide coverage to undocumented immigrants. But the question posed by a debate host didn't ask whether coverage would be free. In fact, multiple candidates said coverage for undocumented people would not be free. Some, meanwhile, include copays and deductibles in their health care proposals. Plus, if any Medicare for All plan was financed through, for instance, payroll taxes, undocumented immigrants would also be subject to paying those.
Trump argued that Democratic proposals for universal health care "would totally obliterate Medicare"—adding that "whether it's single-payer or the so-called public option … they want to raid Medicare to fund a thing called socialism."
The argument here is nuanced but, fundamentally, Trump's characterization misses the mark and is misleading.
The "single-payer" bill he refers to is the Medicare for All proposal pushed by Democratic Sens. Bernie Sanders of Vermont and Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts. The bill would put all Americans—including the seniors currently covered by Medicare—into a single health plan. It would share Medicare's name but look dramatically different: Unlike the existing program, the proposal envisions covering virtually all medical services and eliminating cost sharing. It would not be administered by private, for-profit contractors.
Predicting what this looks like is difficult since it's grounded in hypotheticals. And one could argue that using the term "obliterates" is not completely off base because Medicare in its current form would no longer exist. But that misses the broader impact. Under the proposal as it's written, seniors would be insured through a program at least as generous—if not more—than what they currently receive.
As for "public option" proposals put forth by candidates such as former Vice President Joe Biden and South Bend, Ind., Mayor Pete Buttigieg, they would leave Medicare more or less as it is, while also creating a public health plan uninsured people could buy into.
Describing Medicare for All, Trump said the plan would "reduce Americans' household income by $17,000 a year."
We contacted the White House to find out the source of this number. The administration acknowledged receipt but never sent an answer.
That said, it's unclear where this number comes from, because the evidence simply doesn't exist to make such a precise claim. After all, many details about Medicare for All are still being worked out. That makes it exceptionally difficult to figure out how much such a system would cost—let alone how an individual household's finances might change under such a system. (This ambiguity is why the Congressional Budget Office has declined to estimate single-payer's fiscal impact.)
And different households would likely make out differently under Medicare for All. Some might end up paying more. But others would likely pay more in taxes while still seeing their health care costs go down—meaning they could ultimately save money.
Trump said, "the Democrat plans for socialized medicine will not just put doctors and hospitals out of business, they will also deny your treatment and everything that you need."
This statement relies on a talking point that's been widely debunked.
We focused on the first part of this claim. Both conservatives and moderate Democrats have argued that single-payer health care, in particular, would drive hospitals and doctors to shutter en masse. (Conservatives have made this argument about a public option as well.) In a past related fact check, we rated this as False.
The argument springs from the way Medicare currently reimburses hospitals, at 87 cents for every dollar spent on health care. But the Sanders bill does not set a reimbursement rate, and instead would charge the federal government with devising an appropriate rate.
Some hospitals might struggle under a new system—but others, health care economists have previously told us, would likely do better.
"It really depends on which hospitals you're talking about," Gerard Anderson, a health policy professor at Johns Hopkins University and an expert in hospital pricing, told Kaiser Health News in July.