Some people aren't convinced about the value of a third shot, a hesitancy fueled by evolving scientific understanding of the virus and a distrust of the federal government entrenched in tribal communities.
This article was published on Thursday, March 31, 2022 in Kaiser Health News.
When covid-19 vaccines first became available, Native Americans acted swiftly and with determination to get their shots — as though they had everything to lose.
Covid hospitalization and death rates for American Indians and Alaska Natives had skyrocketed past those of non-Hispanic whites. Leveraging established systems like the Indian Health Service and tribal organizations, Native Americans urgently administered vaccines. Data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention showed they achieved the highest vaccination rates of any race or ethnicity.
Yet, tribal health officials said, they eventually ran up against the challenges that broadly stalled the U.S. vaccination campaign, particularly in persuading people to get booster shots.
Nationally, 72% of American Indians and Alaska Natives of all ages had received at least one dose of a covid vaccine as of March 28, and 59% were fully vaccinated — having received two doses of Moderna’s or Pfizer-BioNTech’s vaccine or one dose of Johnson & Johnson’s. A much smaller share had received booster shots — 44% of fully vaccinated Native Americans ages 12 and up, below the booster rates for whites, Asian Americans, and Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders.
Tribal health experts say data problems may be partly to blame, but there are other factors. It’s proved more difficult in recent months to find shots and book appointments. Some people weren’t convinced about the value of a third shot, a hesitancy fueled by evolving scientific understanding of the virus and a distrust of the federal government entrenched in tribal communities.
“Sometimes I think the people I talk to see it as, ‘Hey, we got our first and second shot. You guys have told us that’s what we need, and we’re going to be OK,’” said Angie Wilson, who until recently served as tribal administrator of the Reno-Sparks Indian Colony, a federally recognized tribe in Nevada with about 1,200 members.
Reno-Sparks provides a glimpse into what it takes to increase vaccinations. Before the omicron variant arrived in early December, vaccinations had plateaued, and many members were expressing apathy about getting additional shots, she said. After omicron caused a sharp rise in cases, Reno-Sparks mandated that its employees be fully vaccinated and boosted. It also used money provided by the American Rescue Plan Act to offer cash to members: $1,000 for getting the initial doses and $500 for a booster, regardless of whether they lived on or off the reservation.
Those incentives and rising counts of breakthrough infections sparked renewed interest and persuaded roughly 130 people to get boosters within six weeks. Thirty-five percent of eligible Reno-Sparks’ tribal members had been boosted as of late March. The rates of first and second shots rose, too: 60% of members 5 and older had received an initial dose, while 56% were fully vaccinated.
The tribal land is in an urban area in Reno, and the reservation has a Walmart Supercenter. Nevada lifted its statewide mask mandate abruptly Feb. 10.
With precautions to limit covid’s spread falling by the wayside, tribal officials fear what any gaps in vaccination will mean for their communities. American Indians and Alaska Natives have been hospitalized for covid at three times the rate of white Americans and have died of covid at double the rate of whites, according to the CDC. Nationally, as of March 28, fewer than half of booster-eligible Native residents had received them.
“I can see where we’re heading, which is concerning,” Wilson said. “I worry about our tribal population, especially with our risk factors.”
The challenges were evident even before the FDA on March 29 authorized a second booster dose of the Pfizer-BioNTech and Moderna vaccines for anyone 50 or older and certain immunocompromised people. Tribal members and health experts see several reasons that booster rates have not been higher, despite employing more aggressive vaccination measures than surrounding states and counties.
Virginia Hedrick, executive director of the California Consortium for Urban Indian Health, said, “I do think that IHS really rose to the occasion when it came to the pandemic and vaccine rollout.” Still, “any time we have something change,” she said of the vaccine, “it raises questions for folks.”
In the fall, Hedrick said, her mother-in-law saw ads for booster shots all over the place but still couldn’t get an appointment. “There was a general sense of frustration,” she said.
Another problem, which likely masks the true share of Native Americans who have gotten booster shots: data inconsistencies. Race data on Native Americans has long been hindered by accuracy issues, including misclassifications of people. With covid vaccines, the CDC receives data from a hodgepodge of systems that generally don’t communicate with one another: state immunization registries, pharmacy chains, and federal vaccine providers, including IHS. And race and ethnicity information is missing from a significant share of vaccination records.
The agency acknowledges that it can overestimate initial vaccines given and undercount subsequent doses because the data does not include personally identifiable information. As a result, different doses may not be connected back to the same person.
If a Native American receives the first two doses through the IHS but gets a booster elsewhere, the booster dose could be misclassified as a first dose. Many instances of this could create the impression that booster rates among Native Americans are lower than they really are.
“The counting might get confused because there’s no central system,” said Dr. Meghan O’Connell, a tribal medical epidemiologist with the CDC Foundation who works at the Great Plains Tribal Leaders Health Board in South Dakota.
Accurate federal data is crucial for assessing Native American vaccinations because of the large role played by the IHS, a federal agency through which 355 facilities, tribal health programs, and urban Indian organizations received vaccine shipments. State-level data on vaccination does not include administered shots from all federal vaccine providers, including the IHS.
Native Americans get vaccinated in and outside of tribal health facilities, but access to IHS facilities can affect overall rates.
IHS publishes the number of vaccine doses that have been delivered and administered in 11 IHS areas but not the number of people per area who have received those doses. The lone exception is Alaska, where tribes received vaccines from the state.
“Something I’m very interested in is knowing how these rates may differ between tribal communities so that we can learn more about best practices,” O’Connell said.
IHS received $9 billion to respond to the pandemic, the bulk of it from the American Rescue Plan. It did not respond to questions about efforts to increase booster rates among tribal populations and whether they differed from outreach done to encourage people to get the initial shots.
When asked how often Native American vaccination data is checked for errors, CDC spokesperson Kate Grusich said the agency “regularly provides feedback on data quality” and works to remove duplicate or incorrect records. “This is an ongoing process and includes strategies to improve the accuracy of all COVID-19 vaccination related data, including race and ethnicity data,” she said in an email.
Agnes Attakai, a member of the Navajo Nation who lost six relatives to covid, got her first two vaccine doses easily, through a university drive-thru clinic. But when it came to her booster shot, she said, she had two options — CVS and Walgreens pharmacies, which had “a month- to two-month-long waits,” or her local public health department about 10 miles away. A resident of rural Pima County, Arizona, she chose the latter and got her shot in November.
Attakai, director of health disparities outreach and prevention education at the University of Arizona’s public health school, said she observed high uptake of booster shots. But there have been some clear differences compared with the early vaccine rollout.
Shots were “more accessible at the very beginning where there was a mass effort, a communitywide effort,” Attakai said. “When the boosters rolled out … [folks had to] actually find out where to get their booster shots and which was the closest location, when they were open. And, of course, some of them were open only during the daytime.”
The Navajo Nation, the largest tribe in the U.S., in January required its employees to get booster shots, building on an earlier mandate that they be fully vaccinated. As of March 4, 66% of Navajo Nation residents had received the first two doses, according to spokesperson Jared Touchin, above the U.S. rate at the time.
As officials brace for future covid surges, Wilson said tribal officials are trying to figure out how to best educate people on how to protect themselves. “If we don’t do that, I think that the issue’s going to be, ‘Well covid’s over, everything’s opened up, we don’t have to deal with this anymore, I’m back to living my life,’ without realizing that the danger is still there,” she said.
The hardship for the national pandemic response is that “there’s a validity in the fear in tribal communities,” Wilson said, “centered around the distrust of the federal government, rightfully so.”
KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.
Sen. Tim Scott, a rising star in the Republican Party with broad popularity in his home state of South Carolina, is getting showered with drug industry money before facing voters this fall.
Scott was the top recipient of pharma campaign cash in Congress during the second half of 2021, receiving $99,000, KHN's Pharma Cash to Congress database shows, emerging as a new favorite of the industry. Though Scott has been a perennial recipient since arriving in Congress in 2011, the latest amount is nearly twice as much as his previous highest haul.
Why Tim Scott? South Carolina's junior senator is someone widely viewed as destined for greater things during his political career. And this is an existential moment for the American pharmaceutical industry when securing allies is critical.
Congress is under intense pressure to rein in the high prices of medicines in the U.S., which are often several times those in other developed countries. Roughly 1 in 4 adults report difficulty affording their prescription drugs, according to KFF polling. Further, 83% of Americans support the idea of Medicare negotiating with pharmaceutical firms to lower prices for both its beneficiaries as well those with private insurance — that's 95% of Democrats, 82% of independents, and 71% of Republicans.
The industry needs people like Scott, who has introduced several health-related bills in recent years and maintains drug industry-friendly positions, in its corner. He opposes proposals introduced in legislation backed by most Democrats in Congress to let Medicare negotiate prices. In 2019, when the Senate Finance Committee considered a drug pricing bill crafted by Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) and Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.), Scott voted against a measure that would have amended the legislation to allow Medicare drug price negotiation. (Scott himself was absent but registered his opposition through a proxy vote.)
In September, as the top Republican on the Senate's Special Committee on Aging, he released a report arguing that HR 3, a sweeping measure from House Democrats to tamp down prices, would result in "shattered innovation" and "bankrupt businesses," echoing arguments made by pharma companies.
"Democrats propose the federal government should be in charge of deciding the price of treatments, instead of a competitive free marketplace sustained by companies driving innovation," the report stated. The bill would have allowed the federal government to negotiate prices for certain costly medicines and penalize drug companies that don't cooperate, among other provisions.
Scott has also been a member of the Senate Finance Committee since 2015, an assignment that gives him significant influence over legislation affecting the sector as well as a prominent perch for fundraising. In total, 27 drug and biotech companies or their powerful lobbying organizations in Washington contributed to his campaign accounts in the latter half of last year. Amgen, Vertex Pharmaceuticals, Merck & Co., AstraZeneca, BioMarin Pharmaceutical, and Genentech were his top donors, each giving between $5,000 and $10,500.
He also is a member of the Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee, which this year is set to consider an issue of great importance to pharma companies: reauthorization of user fees the industry pays to the FDA to help expedite the drug review and approval process. The law must be reauthorized by Congress every five years.
"I didn't know until you told me," Scott said when stopped by a KHN reporter in the Capitol and asked what the message was to his constituents as the member of Congress who has received the most money from pharmaceutical PACs in the last two quarters of 2021.
Stephen Billet, an expert on political action committees and associate professor at the Graduate School of Political Management at George Washington University, points to factors beyond his stances on pharma issues that contribute to his fundraising haul. Many of Scott's positions are aligned with his fellow Republicans in Congress who shun greater government intervention in controlling costs. Instead, the contributions may reflect the industry's bet that Scott has a promising political future.
He is a prolific fundraiser. Federal Election Commission records show that Scott has raised $38 million — the most of any GOP senator up for reelection in 2022 and the second highest among senators across both parties — and had $21.5 million in his campaign account at the end of 2021, fueling speculation about a future presidential run. "America, A Redemption Story," Scott's memoirs, is scheduled for release in August through Christian publisher Thomas Nelson.
Billet said pharmaceutical PACs will sit down at the beginning of a campaign cycle and take a close look at the upcoming races and what their budget is likely to be and then figure out who they want to help.
"So they'll say, Tim Scott is up, he's an up-and-comer, he's been a pretty good guy," Billet said. "It's a good idea to get out front and put some money in his pocket."
Pharmaceutical firms have a long tradition of strategic gift-giving to members to develop goodwill, the benefits of which typically emerge many years later.
Other Republican senators up for reelection didn't get nearly as much money from drug companies during the same period, KHN's analysis of Federal Election Commission data shows. For example, Sen. Michael Crapo (R-Idaho), the most senior Republican on the Senate Finance Committee, received $68,300. Fellow Finance panel member Sen. Todd Young (R-Ind.) took in $48,000. All three seats are considered safe for Republicans in November.
Scott has received money from drugmakers every year since coming to Congress as a member of the House in 2011, receiving $596,000 through the end of last year, according to the KHN analysis of FEC data. Scott joined the Senate in 2013 after then-Gov. Nikki Haley chose him to replace GOP senator Jim DeMint, who resigned from Congress to helm the conservative Heritage Foundation think tank. But this is his banner year; previously, the most he received was $54,000 during the second half of 2019.
The following year, Scott co-founded the congressional Personalized Medicine Caucus with a handful of other lawmakers, including fellow pharma darling Sen. Kyrsten Sinema (D-Ariz.). Personalized medicine — which is also referred to as precision medicine — promises to use genetics and other traits to develop individualized treatments for patients, often at a very steep price.
"We will take steps to nurture scientific advancements that may reverse the genetic and molecular causes of rare and common diseases, bringing new hope to American patients and lasting benefits to our healthcare system," Scott's prepared statement read at the time.
Scott's press secretary, Caroline Anderegg, shared that the senator has long held an interest in sickle cell disease, which is the most commonly inherited blood disorder in the U.S. and disproportionately strikes Black people. The disease, which affects roughly 100,000 Americans, is one that could benefit from the development of gene-based therapies, a form of precision medicine, she said.
The caucus's formation was hailed by the Personalized Medicine Coalition, a pharma-friendly group whose members consist of drugmakers donating to Scott — AbbVie, AstraZeneca, Eli Lilly, Genentech, Johnson & Johnson, and Merck, to name a few. The organization estimated that personalized medicines accounted for more than a quarter of new therapies the FDA had approved since 2015, underscoring the pharmaceutical industry's widespread work in the field.
Since 2019, Scott has introduced 17 health-related bills or resolutions about everything from food allergens and sickle cell disease to health disparities among racial and ethnic minorities. Last year, he sponsored a bill that would create tax incentives for drug and medical device companies to manufacture more of their products in the U.S. The legislation's framework loosely aligns with ideas from the Association for Accessible Medicines, which lobbies for generic drug companies.
Overall, from June to December, members of Congress received $3.5 million in their campaign coffers from pharmaceutical companies and their trade associations, according to the KHN analysis of industry contributions.
"There is kind of a cycle to giving and so the off year, 2021, is likely going to have less money than 2022, since it's an election year," said Paul Jorgensen, an associate professor at the University of Texas-Rio Grande Valley who studies campaign finance. "But there was a lot of money put into lobbying this cycle because of all of the initiatives that were being pushed in the House and with the Build Back Better plan, so in some ways your numbers just kind of mirror what one would expect."
Other top recipients of drug industry money in the second half of 2021 include Rep. Cathy McMorris Rodgers (R-Wash.), who was second behind Scott in contributions, receiving $97,300. McMorris Rodgers is the top Republican on the House Energy & Commerce Committee, which has significant sway over pharmaceutical issues, and could become chair of the powerful panel should Republicans retake the House majority in November as expected. Over the entirety of 2021, she received the most money from the sector of any lawmaker.
The pharmaceutical PACs are cognizant of who is up for committee leadership roles, said Billet: "They are 100% aware of who the next person in line is, making McMorris Rodgers an obviously easy target."
Sinema posted the third-highest haul — $74,800 despite not being up for reelection until 2024. It was a big gain over the first half of 2021, when she received $8,000. KHN reported in 2020 on Sinema's connections to the pharmaceutical industry.
Data analyst Elizabeth Lucas contributed to this report.
Biden's reforms don't address residents' rights to have contact with informal caregivers — family members and friends who provide emotional support and practical assistance.
This article was published on Tuesday, March 22, 2022 in Kaiser Health News.
When the Biden administration announced a set of proposed nursing home reforms last month, consumer advocates were both pleased and puzzled.
The reforms call for minimum staffing requirements, stronger regulatory oversight, and better public information about nursing home quality — measures advocates have promoted for years. Yet they don't address residents' rights to have contact with informal caregivers — family members and friends who provide both emotional support and practical assistance.
That's been a painful concern during the pandemic as nursing homes have locked down, caregivers have been unable to visit loved ones, and a significant number of residents have become isolated, discouraged, or depressed.
Thousands of residents died alone, leaving a trail of grief for those who couldn't be by their side. Altogether, more than 200,000 residents and staffers in long-term care facilities perished of COVID-19 in the first two years of the pandemic, according to an analysis by KFF.
"What we learned is that family members' support is absolutely essential to the well-being of residents," said Mairead Painter, Connecticut's long-term care ombudsman. (Ombudsmen are official advocates for nursing home residents.) "We need to make sure that the far-reaching restrictions put in place never happen again."
Although nursing home residents have a right to have visitors under federal law, this protection was "degraded" during the pandemic, said Tony Chicotel, a staff attorney for California Advocates for Nursing Home Reform. "I worry that facilities and public health departments will feel emboldened to cut visitation off at their discretion, whenever there's an infectious disease outbreak," he explained.
What's needed now, Chicotel suggested, is legislation stating that "even in a public health emergency, residents have a core right to support from [informal] caregivers that cannot be waived."
A new "essential caregivers" bill in California (AB-2546) would allow residents to designate two such informal caregivers, one of which would have access to a facility around-the-clock without advance scheduling. Caregivers would need to comply with the same safety and infection control protocols that apply to staffers. Laws with a similar intent have passed in 11 states, according to the Essential Caregivers Coalition, an advocacy group formed during the pandemic.
Nationally, the Essential Caregivers Act of 2021, another measure along these lines, is languishing in the House Ways and Means health subcommittee. Competing priorities, pandemic-related fatigue, and a sense that the COVID emergency "is behind us" are contributing to inaction, said Maitely Weismann, a co-founder of the Essential Caregivers Coalition.
If sweeping nursing home changes don't address the harm to residents when they are cut off from families, "we're only halfway where we need to be," she cautioned. The White House did not respond to requests for comment about whether it planned to address the issue.
Elizabeth O. Stern, 69, of Stonington, Connecticut, was unable to see her 91-year-old mother for eight months after her mother's nursing home shut its doors on March 10, 2020. Before the pandemic, Stern visited nearly every day with her mother, who had a stroke in 2016 and developed dementia.
"I did her laundry and cleaned and washed the windows in her room," Stern told me. "I took care of her fingernails and much of her personal care. I'd sing her to sleep at night."
Unable to see her family during the long pandemic-inspired lockdown, Stern's mother became anguished, and her health deteriorated. Two and a half days before she died in November 2020, Stern was finally able to get inside the nursing home to say her final goodbyes.
"So many family caregivers like me are scratching their heads and wondering why, after all the devastation we've suffered, are we again being overlooked in the [Biden administration's] proposed reforms," she said.
New research confirms the extent of assistance that family caregivers like Stern provide. Using national survey data from 2016, researchers from the University of Pennsylvania reported in a recent Health Affairs study that informal caregivers helped 91% of nursing home residents who needed aid with medications; 76% of residents who required assistance with self-care tasks such as bathing or dressing; 75% of residents who had problems such as getting in and out of bed or moving across a room; and 71% who required aid with household tasks, such as managing money. On average, this care from informal caregivers amounted to 37 hours a month.
In addition to the harmful effect on residents, the loss of this assistance during the pandemic placed extra burdens on already-stressed nursing home workers, contributing to the staffing crisis that afflicts long-term care, said Dr. Rachel Werner, co-author of the study.
"The discussion we should be having is how to support [informal] caregivers in long-term care facilities, whether we're in a pandemic or not, by acknowledging what they do, giving them more training, and making them part of care teams and the care planning process," Werner said.
Robyn Grant, director of public policy and advocacy at the National Consumer Voice for Quality Long-Term Care, an advocacy organization, added a note of caution. "One of the things we're concerned about is that family members and the assistance they provide might be looked at, in some cases, as part of a solution to short-staffing in nursing homes," she told me.
"Yes, family members can help, and we want to make sure that their access to long-term care facilities is ensured. But they can't be seen as a substitute for staff."
In San Francisco, that line blurred for Dr. Teresa Palmer, a geriatrician, whose 103-year-old mother took to bed in her nursing home in March 2021 and wouldn't get up. Concerned, Palmer insisted on a "compassionate care" exception to the nursing home's lockdown rules and was able to see her mother inside the facility for the first time in a year.
"To the staff, my mother was just an old person who was acting old. But she was down to 90 pounds from a baseline weight of 105 and her bowel functions had changed," said Palmer, who took her mother to the hospital, where she was diagnosed with malnourishment, dehydration, and pancreatic cancer.
Palmer brought her mother home from the hospital, with hospice care, where she died 10 weeks later.
"Even in a very good nursing home such as my mother's, they really don't have time to make sure residents are eating enough or drinking enough or give the hands-on loving care that family members provide," Palmer said.
As for the nursing home industry, there are signs this lesson has hit home. In a statement about the national Essential Caregivers Act, the American Healthcare Association said, "We applaud this bill and welcome family members and friends taking an active role in the care of their loved ones." The statement was forwarded by Cristina Crawford, senior manager of public affairs.
Ruth Katz, senior vice president of public policy at Leading Age, another long-term care association, wrote in a statement that her group believes quality care "includes residents' ability to maintain regular connections to and contact with family and friends" and expects new federal rules to reinforce caregivers' efforts to support nursing home residents in emergencies in the future.
We're eager to hear from readers about questions you'd like answered, problems you've been having with your care and advice you need in dealing with the healthcare system. Visit khn.org/columnists to submit your requests or tips.
Montana Gov. Greg Gianforte's office estimates that "thousands of healthcare workers" have obtained religious exemptions and "remain in the workforce."
This article was published on Tuesday, March 22, 2022 in Kaiser Health News.
Charlie O'Neill received part of her husband's liver in a 2013 living donor transplant and has been taking drugs that suppress her immune system ever since to prevent her body from attacking the organ.
"I frequently get infections," she said. "Just being an immune-compromised person, you are faced with just every little cold and flu."
O'Neill lives in the small town of Pony in southwestern Montana's Madison Valley. Despite living in an uncrowded rural setting, O'Neill said, the first year of the coronavirus pandemic was terrifying. She rarely left home, waiting for COVID-19 vaccines to become available.
Even now, after being vaccinated, O'Neill said the virus is always on her mind when she drives into nearby Bozeman for groceries and other basic needs. She wears a mask and avoids people as much as she can. While vaccinations provide robust protection against hospitalization and death for the typical individual, they are far less effective in those who are immunocompromised.
O'Neill developed abscesses on her liver, requiring daily visits to the Bozeman hospital for antibiotic infusions. In a state where the governor has encouraged health workers to seek vaccination exemptions, she worried about which of the many people involved in her care were instead putting her at risk: the people checking her in at the front desk, the traveling nurses, the imaging technicians?
Gov. Greg Gianforte's office estimates that "thousands of healthcare workers" have obtained religious exemptions and "remain in the workforce," according to a recent press release.
"I so boldly ask people often just if they're vaccinated, especially if I have to take my mask off for MRIs or something like that," O'Neill said. She said she'd request someone else if a worker told her he or she were unvaccinated or declined to answer, but that hasn't happened.
Most medical staffers across the U.S. are now required to be fully vaccinated against COVID under a federal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services rule. While, legally, requests for religious or medical exemptions must be allowed at every institution, in much of the country they are reviewed carefully and approved judiciously. In New York City's 12-hospital public system, for example, 100% of staff members inside the hospitals are vaccinated; the few who were granted exemptions are assigned outside tasks.
But in Montana, the pendulum has swung in a different direction.
Gianforte, a Republican who opposed the federal mandate, encouraged health workers to seek religious exemptions before the Feb. 14 deadline to receive one dose of vaccine. His administration provided guidance to hospitals that said the validity of healthcare workers' religious beliefs shouldn't be questioned in seeking exemptions. Gianforte also told the state health department to create an application for religious exemptions, which is posted at the top of its website to download.
When asked for an interview with Gianforte, spokesperson Brooke Stroyke referred to the governor's open letter to health workers dated Feb. 10.
"The State of Montana will continue to press its claims that the mandate is unconstitutional or otherwise unlawful in the district and appellate courts," the letter read. "In the meantime, however, I urge those of you who are unvaccinated to consider using the religious and medical exemptions that your employers are required to offer, as well as talk to your colleagues or personal health provider about getting vaccinated."
The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission said that employers should assume a request for a religious exemption is based on sincerely held beliefs, but that if there is an objective basis for questioning the request, the employer is justified in making a limited factual inquiry.
There's no way of knowing just how many healthcare workers remain unvaccinated at any facility. Many hospitals across the state are unwilling to share the data.
Out of nearly 65 hospital facilities statewide, 11 shared their exemption rates with Montana Public Radio, Yellowstone Public Radio, and KHN. Those rates range from under 1% at two critical access hospitals operated by the U.S. Indian Health Service to 37% at Prairie Community Hospital in Terry. Four facilities reported that a quarter or more of their workers had exemptions.
Prairie Community Hospital CEO Burt Keltner said he didn't question exemption requests because losing nearly 40% of his staff would close the hospital.
"Some of the people that had made the choice that they did not want to get the vaccine were some of our best employees," he said.
Montana Hospital Association CEO Rich Rasmussen said one reason most hospitals are leery of sharing how many workers remain unvaccinated is a law passed last year prohibiting discrimination based on vaccination status. Hospitals fear that even providing percentages of unvaccinated workers could spell legal trouble for them, he said.
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention spokesperson Martha Sharan said the agency will soon publish national vaccination rates for medical staffers in CMS-certified acute care hospitals. She added that the dashboard could eventually include national data from other medical facilities participating in certain CMS programs.
CMS will post facility-level vaccination rates from those facilities on its Care Compare website in October, CMS spokesperson Beth Lynk said.
An analysis of voluntarily reported data by the CDC found that nationwide 70% of staff members at medical facilities were vaccinated as of mid-September but noted lower vaccination rates were likely in rural areas. That was before the Biden administration announced the CMS vaccine mandate, and rates have likely increased since.
Paul Conway, chair of policy and global affairs at the American Association of Kidney Patients, said the lack of transparency around COVID vaccination rates for medical workers puts immunocompromised patients in a bind.
"During COVID, if you're in a dialysis center where you're in there for hours, you're having blood exchanged, you're around a lot of different workers, you're around a lot of different patients, your susceptibility is very high," he explained.
A University of Michigan study found that a quarter of patients on dialysis died if they contracted COVID. That study used data from 2020, when vaccines weren't available until December.
Conway said the kidney patients' association wants CMS to make vaccination rates for hospitals and dialysis centers public to help patients make informed decisions. But for the time being, he said, they are on their own. That leaves them in the uncomfortable position of interrogating caregivers about their vaccination status at a time when that is a charged issue in much of the country.
"Patients always do have the right and the freedom to ask the question and, similarly, doctors and nurses also have the freedom to answer the question or not," said Joel Wu of the University of Minnesota's Center for Bioethics. "I think answering the question truthfully is important because I think it builds trust."
Roger Gravgaard, a 62-year-old kidney transplant recipient from Billings who serves as a patient advocate for kidney disease organizations, said unvaccinated staffers need to understand there are real consequences for patients like him. He is grateful all his providers have been forthcoming about being vaccinated without his even having to ask, he said.
"I feel better knowing that they're vaccinated and I would hope that they have the same feeling knowing that I've been vaccinated, because it's a two-way street," he said.
NASHVILLE, Tenn. — Four years ago, inside the most prestigious hospital in Tennessee, nurse RaDonda Vaught withdrew a vial from an electronic medication cabinet, administered the drug to a patient, and somehow overlooked signs of a terrible and deadly mistake.
The patient was supposed to get Versed, a sedative intended to calm her before being scanned in a large, MRI-like machine. But Vaught accidentally grabbed vecuronium, a powerful paralyzer, which stopped the patient's breathing and left her brain-dead before the error was discovered.
Vaught, 38, admitted her mistake at a Tennessee Board of Nursing hearing last year, saying she became "complacent" in her job and "distracted" by a trainee while operating the computerized medication cabinet. She did not shirk responsibility for the error, but she said the blame was not hers alone.
"I know the reason this patient is no longer here is because of me," Vaught said, starting to cry. "There won't ever be a day that goes by that I don't think about what I did."
If Vaught's story followed the path of most medical errors, it would have been over hours later, when the Board of Nursing revoked her RN license and almost certainly ended her nursing career. But Vaught's case is different: This week she goes on trial in Nashville on criminal charges of reckless homicide and felony abuse of an impaired adult for the killing of Charlene Murphey, a 75-year-old patient who died at Vanderbilt University Medical Center on Dec. 27, 2017.
Prosecutors do not allege in their court filings that Vaught intended to hurt Murphey or was impaired by any substance when she made the mistake, so her prosecution is a rare example of a healthcare worker facing years in prison for a medical error. Fatal errors are generally handled by licensing boards and civil courts. And experts say prosecutions like Vaught's loom large for a profession terrified of the criminalization of such mistakes — especially because her case hinges on an automated system for dispensing drugs that many nurses use every day.
The Nashville district attorney's office declined to discuss Vaught's trial. Vaught's lawyer, Peter Strianse, did not respond to requests for comment. Vanderbilt University Medical Center has repeatedly declined to comment on Vaught's trial or its procedures.
Vaught's trial will be followed by nurses nationwide, many of whom worry a conviction may set a precedent even as the coronavirus pandemic leaves countless nurses exhausted, demoralized, and likely more prone to error.
Janie Harvey Garner, a St. Louis registered nurse and founder of Show Me Your Stethoscope, a nursing group with more than 600,000 members on Facebook, said the group has closely watched Vaught's case for years out of concern for her fate — and their own.
Garner said most nurses know all too well the pressures that contribute to such an error: long hours, crowded hospitals, imperfect protocols, and the inevitable creep of complacency in a job with daily life-or-death stakes.
Garner said she once switched powerful medications just as Vaught did and caught her mistake only in a last-minute triple-check.
"In response to a story like this one, there are two kinds of nurses," Garner said. "You have the nurses who assume they would never make a mistake like that, and usually it's because they don't realize they could. And the second kind are the ones who know this could happen, any day, no matter how careful they are. This could be me. I could be RaDonda."
As the trial begins, the Nashville DA's prosecutors will argue that Vaught's error was anything but a common mistake any nurse could make. Prosecutors will say she ignored a cascade of warnings that led to the deadly error.
The case hinges on the nurse's use of an electronic medication cabinet, a computerized device that dispenses a range of drugs. According to documents filed in the case, Vaught initially tried to withdraw Versed from a cabinet by typing "VE" into its search function without realizing she should have been looking for its generic name, midazolam. When the cabinet did not produce Versed, Vaught triggered an "override" that unlocked a much larger swath of medications, then searched for "VE" again. This time, the cabinet offered vecuronium.
Vaught then overlooked or bypassed at least five warnings or pop-ups saying she was withdrawing a paralyzing medication, documents state. She also did not recognize that Versed is a liquid but vecuronium is a powder that must be mixed into liquid, documents state.
Finally, just before injecting the vecuronium, Vaught stuck a syringe into the vial, which would have required her to "look directly" at a bottle cap that read "Warning: Paralyzing Agent," the DA's documents state.
The DA's office points to this override as central to Vaught's reckless homicide charge. Vaught acknowledges she performed an override on the cabinet. But she and others say overrides are a normal operating procedure used daily at hospitals.
While testifying before the nursing board last year, foreshadowing her defense in the upcoming trial, Vaught said at the time of Murphey's death that Vanderbilt was instructing nurses to use overrides to overcome cabinet delays and constant technical problems caused by an ongoing overhaul of the hospital's electronic health records system.
Murphey's care alone required at least 20 cabinet overrides in just three days, Vaught said.
"Overriding was something we did as part of our practice every day," Vaught said. "You couldn't get a bag of fluids for a patient without using an override function."
Overrides are common outside of Vanderbilt too, according to experts following Vaught's case.
Michael Cohen, president emeritus of the Institute for Safe Medication Practices, and Lorie Brown, past president of the American Association of Nurse Attorneys, each said it is common for nurses to use an override to obtain medication in a hospital.
Cohen and Brown stressed that even with an override it should not have been so easy to access vecuronium.
"This is a medication that you should never, ever, be able to override to," Brown said. "It's probably the most dangerous medication out there."
Cohen said that in response to Vaught's case, manufacturers of medication cabinets modified the devices' software to require up to five letters to be typed when searching for drugs during an override, but not all hospitals have implemented this safeguard. Two years after Vaught's error, Cohen's organization documented a "strikingly similar" incident in which another nurse swapped Versed with another drug, verapamil, while using an override and searching with just the first few letters. That incident did not result in a patient's death or criminal prosecution, Cohen said.
Maureen Shawn Kennedy, the editor-in-chief emerita of the American Journal of Nursing, wrote in 2019 that Vaught's case was "every nurse's nightmare."
In the pandemic, she said, this is truer than ever.
"We know that the more patients a nurse has, the more room there is for errors," Kennedy said. "We know that when nurses work longer shifts, there is more room for errors. So I think nurses get very concerned because they know this could be them."
When Pfizer CEO Albert Bourla said March 13 that all Americans would need a second booster shot, it struck many COVID experts as a self-serving remark without scientific merit. It also set off spasms of doubt over the country's objectives in its fight against the coronavirus.
The decision on how often and widely to vaccinate against COVID-19 is part science, part policy, and part politics. Ultimately it depends on the goals of vaccination at a time when it's becoming clear that neither vaccines nor other measures can entirely stop the viral spread.
On March 15, Pfizer made a more limited request of the FDA, seeking authorization of a second booster only for people 65 and older. Advisers for the FDA and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention are likely to approve a fourth shot for people in that age group because they're the group most likely to be hospitalized or die of COVID. Pfizer competitor Moderna on March 17 also filed for a second booster shot, although its application extended to all adults.
The vaccines' protection against COVID infection generally wanes within several months in all age groups. But experts disagree on whether frequent boosters, especially for younger people, can do anything about that. Two or three vaccinations protect most people from serious disease — but do relatively little to prevent infection, which is generally mild or asymptomatic, after three or four months.
Statements like Bourla's create public pressure for a fourth dose that could force the Biden administration's hand before government experts have time to assess the evidence, said John Moore, professor of microbiology and immunology at Weill Cornell Medical College.
It appears to be based on a yet-to-be-peer-reviewed Israeli study that examined patients only a few weeks after they had received their fourth dose of vaccine. The limited scope of the data raises questions about the duration of that protection, said Dr. Phil Krause, a former deputy director of the FDA's biologics center. Krause helped lead the agency's COVID vaccine reviews before resigning last fall.
Throughout the pandemic, repeated public proclamations by pharmaceutical company executives — broadcast widely via the media, often without supporting data — have created pressure for politicians and their scientific advisers to act.
Last summer, Bourla announced the likely need for an initial booster in April 2021, then, in August, President Joe Biden promised the first booster shots would be available to all adults starting the following month. "That created an expectation that everyone would get their slice of yummy chocolate cake," Moore said. "Who wants to be 'the cake nazi' and say, 'No cake for you?!'"
Although FDA and CDC expert panels, and some federal scientists, were hesitant about recommending the first booster for younger populations, the agencies overrode their advice and approved boosters for everyone 12 and older. That continues to be a sore point with many immunologists and infectious disease specialists.
''The last thing we need is to have corporate CEOs in March saying this is what you need in December because 'we know,'" Moore said. "How do you know?" CEO announcements have often been made before scientific evidence supporting the claims has been publicly released, meaning scientists have not had time to evaluate their validity.
The desire to react to growing signs of infection is understandable but may be futile in the face of a virus that seems to infect even the well-vaccinated. If we keep chasing the virus with boosters, "we're going to be making the drug companies very happy, since our antibodies will go down every four months," said Dr. Paul Offit, director of the Vaccine Education Center at Children's Hospital of Philadelphia.
But whether those levels are a good measure of protection — especially against serious disease, and in which populations — is an open question. The answer is important because, like all vaccines, there is a small risk of adverse reactions from each shot.
There's some disagreement among experts on how well COVID vaccines to date have prevented serious disease in healthy young people, and whether and how often they should be boosted.
While a recent CDC study showed an increased risk of hospitalization among people ages 18 to 49 several months after second and third vaccine doses, the data categories in the study aren't fine-grained enough to show whether many of those who suffered severe disease had comorbidities such as chronic disease or obesity, Offit said.
But others argue there's enough evidence to show that yearly vaccines, perhaps in combination with influenza vaccinations, would be the best solution. "Given how safe the vaccines are and how effective they are, I think it probably does make sense for people to get a booster, and the most convenient would be once a year," said Dr. Otto Yang, an infectious disease specialist at UCLA. If COVID turns out to be seasonal, peaking in winter months, vaccination in the fall would provide decent protection, he said.
"We are bound to need another booster. We just don't know when or for which variant," said Dr. Daniel Douek, chief of the human immunology section at the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases.
The coronaviruses that cause about a third of all common colds appear to infect people as frequently as once a year on average, said Stanley Perlman, a coronavirus expert at the University of Iowa. Vaccines could never prevent all those infections, yet the federal approach has largely acted as if this were feasible, Offit said.
"We're coming off two years where we treated this virus like smallpox, isolating anyone with mild illness, even asymptomatic people," he said. "That's going to have to change. Because neither vaccination nor natural infection is going to protect you from mild illness for a longer period of time."
It's important for U.S. health officials to have and share with the public some clarity about the goals of the vaccination program, said Dr. Luciana Borio, a former FDA and National Security Council official who is now a senior fellow for global health at the Council on Foreign Relations. "We need people to understand that protection against all illness is not long-lasting, instead of thinking the vaccine is not working."
"The goal is not to stop transmission, it's mainly to protect the vulnerable at this point," said Dr. Norman Hearst, a family physician and public health researcher at the University of California-San Francisco.
How, in the absence of perfect vaccines, we will protect the vulnerable remains a conundrum. Borio argues that we need systems to rapidly test elderly and immunocompromised people for COVID and quickly give them treatment if their results are positive.
But this is more easily said than done, Hearst said, since people rarely seek medical help for upper respiratory diseases until the illness is too developed for antiviral drugs to work; antivirals generally work best, sometimes only, if they are taken within a few days of onset of symptoms.
For the time being, all debate on a second booster is moot, said John Wherry, chair of the Department of Systems Pharmacology and Translational Therapeutics at the University of Pennsylvania. Unless Congress reverses itself and decides to give the administration more money to fight COVID, there won't be any free vaccines — or free COVID treatments — available to the public next fall.
"We have an acute budgetary problem and we're not yet out of the woods," Wherry said. COVID numbers are spiking in Europe again, and concentrations of the virus in wastewater are starting to multiply in some areas of the U.S., indicating that a loosening of COVID restrictions may be causing spread among those who weren't infected during the omicron wave in December and January.
Offit, a vaccine inventor and longtime champion of vaccination, cautions against leaning too hard on COVID boosters for answers.
"What's our response going to be if we have another variant like omicron that sweeps across people who got two or three doses?" he asked. "Will we accept this, and say, 'OK, calm down?'"
David Sarabia had already sold two startups by age 26 and was sitting on enough money to never have to work another day in his life. He moved from Southern California to New York City and began to indulge in all the luxuries his newly minted millionaire status conveyed. Then it all went sideways, and his life quickly unraveled.
"I became a massive cocaine addict," Sarabia said. "It started off just casual partying, but that escalated to pretty much anything I could get my hands on."
At one particularly low point, Sarabia was homeless for three months, sleeping on public transportation to stay warm. Even with plenty of money in the bank, Sarabia said, he'd lost the will to live. "I'd given up," he said.
He got back on his feet, sort of, and for the next three years lived as a "functional cocaine addict" until his best friend, Jay Greenwald, died after a night of partying. Finally, Sarabia checked himself into a rehab in Southern California — ostensibly a luxurious one, although Sarabia didn't find it to be so.
Still, the place saved his life. The clinicians really cared, he recalled, although their efforts were hampered by clunky technology and poor management. He had the feeling that the owners were more interested in profits than in helping people recover.
Just days off cocaine, the tech entrepreneur was scribbling designs for his next startup idea: a digital platform that would make clinician paperwork easier, combined with a mobile app to guide patients through recovery. After he left treatment in 2017, Sarabia tapped his remaining wealth — about $400,000 — to fund an addiction tech company he named inRecovery.
With the nation's opioid overdose epidemic hitting a record high of more than 100,000 deaths in 2021, effective ways to fight addiction and expand treatment access are desperately needed. Sarabia and other entrepreneurs in the realm they call addiction tech see a $42 billion U.S. market for their products and an addiction treatment field that is, in techspeak, ripe for disruption.
It has long been torn by opposing ideologies and approaches: medication-assisted treatment versus cold-turkey detox; residential treatment versus outpatient; abstinence versus harm reduction; peer support versus professional help. And most people who report struggling with substance use never manage to access treatment at all.
Tech is already offering help to some. Those who can pay out-of-pocket, or have treatment covered by an employer or insurer, can access one of a dozen addiction telemedicine startups that allow them to consult with a physician and have a medication like buprenorphine mailed directly to their home. Some of the virtual rehabs provide digital cognitive behavior treatment, with connected devices and even mail-in urine tests to monitor compliance with sobriety.
Plentiful apps offer peer support and coaching, and entrepreneurs are developing software for treatment centers that handle patient records, personalize the client's time in rehab, and connect them to a network of peers.
But while the founders of for-profit companies may want to end suffering, said Fred Muench, clinical psychologist and president of the nonprofit Partnership to End Addiction, it all comes down to revenue.
Startup experts and clinicians working on the front lines of the drug and overdose epidemic doubt the flashy Silicon Valley technology will ever reach people in the throes of addiction who are unstably housed, financially challenged, and on the wrong side of the digital divide.
"The people who are really struggling, who really need access to substance use treatment, don't have 5G and a smartphone," said Dr. Aimee Moulin, a professor and behavioral health director for the Emergency Medicine Department at UC Davis Health. "I just worry that as we start to rely on these tech-heavy therapy options, we're just creating a structure where we really leave behind the people who actually need the most help."
The investors willing to feed millions of dollars on startups generally aren't investing in efforts to expand treatment to the less privileged, Moulin said.
Besides, making money in the addiction tech business is tough, because addiction is a stubborn beast.
Conducting clinical trials to validate digital treatments is challenging because of users' frequent lapses in medication adherence and follow-up, said Richard Hanbury, founder and CEO of Sana Health, a startup that uses audiovisual stimulation to relax the mind as an alternative to opioids.
There are thousands of private, nonprofit, and government-run programs and drug rehabilitation centers across the country. With so many bit players and disparate programs, startups face an uphill battle to land enough customers to generate significant revenue, he added.
After conducting a small study to ease anxiety for people detoxing off opioids, Hanbury postponed the next step, a larger study. To sell his product to the country's sprawling array of addiction treatment providers, Hanbury decided, he would need to hire a much larger sales team than his budding company could afford.
Still, the immense need is feeding enthusiasm for addiction tech.
In San Francisco alone, more than twice as many people died from drug overdoses as from covid over the past two years. Employers, insurers, providers, families, and those suffering addiction themselves are all demanding better and affordable access to treatment, said Unity Stoakes, president and managing partner of StartUp Health.
The investment firm has launched a portfolio of seed-stage startups that aim to use technology to end addiction and the opioid epidemic. Stoakes hopes the wave of new treatment options will reduce the stigma of addiction and increase awareness and education. The emerging tools aren't trying to remove human care for addiction, but rather "supercharge the doctor or the clinician," he said.
While acknowledging that underserved populations are hard to reach, Stoakes said tech can expand access and enhance targeted efforts to help them. With enough startups experimenting with different types of treatment and delivery methods, hopefully one or more will succeed, he said.
Addiction telehealth startups have gained the most traction. Quit Genius, a virtual addiction treatment provider for alcohol, opioid, and nicotine dependence, raised $64 million from investors last summer, and in October, $118 million went to Workit Health, a virtual prescriber of medication-assisted treatment. Several other startups — Boulder Care, Groups Recover Together, Ophelia, Bicycle Health, and Wayspring, most of which have nearly identical telehealth and prescribing models — have landed sizable funding since the pandemic started.
Some of the startups already sell to self-insured employers, providers, and payers. Some market directly to consumers, while others are conducting clinical trials to get FDA approval they hope to parlay into steadier reimbursement. But that route involves a lot of competition, regulatory hurdles, and the need to convince payers that adding another treatment will drive down costs.
Sarabia's inRecovery plans to use its software to help treatment centers run more efficiently and improve their patient outcomes. The startup is piloting an aftercare program, aimed at keeping patients connected to prevent relapse after treatment, with Caron Treatment Centers, a high-end nonprofit treatment provider based in Pennsylvania.
His long-term goal is to drive down costs enough to offer his service to county-run treatment centers in hopes of expanding care to the neediest. But for now, implementing the tech doesn't come cheap, with treatment providers paying anywhere from $50,000 to $100,000 a year to license the software.
"Bottom line, for the treatment centers that don't have consistent revenue, those on the lower end, they will probably not be able to afford something like this," he said.
The bill would create a new path for training physicians, but competing legislation aims to scale back the license, though, and cap the number of years assistant physicians can practice until they funnel back into residency programs.
This article was published on Thursday, March 17, 2022 in Kaiser Health News.
Missouri state Rep. Tricia Derges is pushing a bill to give assistant physicians like herself a pathway to becoming fully licensed doctors in the state.
Not that Derges — among the highest-profile holders of the assistant physician license created in 2014 to ease a doctor shortage — is the most persuasive advocate right now.
Derges was indicted last year on charges accusing her of selling fake stem-cell treatments, illegally prescribing drugs, and fraudulently receiving COVID relief funds. Derges, who did not respond to multiple messages sent to her and her lawyer, has pleaded not guilty. But she has already been kicked out of the Republican caucus, forced to move her legislative office into a Statehouse broom closet, put on a three-year probation for her narcotics license, and denied the ability to run for reelection as a Republican following her indictment. A trial is set for June.
Her personal tribulations have jeopardized an already contentious solution for states that struggle with gaps in primary healthcare. Even some early proponents now want to rein in the assistant physician license.
Assistant physicians — sometimes called associate physicians, and not to be confused with physician assistants — are medical school graduates who have not yet completed residency training. Similar licenses also now exist in Arizona, Arkansas, Kansas, and Utah. Virginia is considering adding one, and model legislation is making such licenses easier than ever for other state legislatures to adopt.
Derges' proposed legislation would allow assistant physicians to become licensed — similar to doctors who have completed a residency — provided an assistant physician has practiced for five years with a collaborating physician, passed a licensure exam, and completed certain training requirements.
Her bill would create a new path for training physicians. Competing legislation aims to scale back the license, though, and cap the number of years assistant physicians can practice until they funnel back into residency programs.
Dr. Keith Frederick, a former state representative and orthopedic surgeon from Rolla, Missouri, proposed the original assistant physician legislation, the first of its kind in the nation.
Nearly every county in Missouri is short of primary care providers, according to the federal Health Services and Resources Administration. It'd take nearly 500 physicians to fill that void, but efforts to get doctors to practice in underserved areas have been "chronically unsuccessful," Frederick said. At the same time, thousands of medical school graduates who apply for residency programs each year are not accepted — 9,155 applicants did not match to a program in 2021 alone, or about 1 in 5 of the candidates, most coming from international medical schools.
The assistant physician license allows those medical school graduates to practice medicine in Missouri under a collaborative practice agreement with a physician, who is ultimately responsible for the care given, and on the condition that they do so in an underserved area. They can see patients, prescribe drugs, and provide certain treatments, in much the same way as nurse practitioners or physician assistants — so-called midlevel practitioners, both of which have distinct master's-level training.
Frederick's bill passed the same year it was introduced, a legislative feat he described as "pretty remarkable."
The idea did have its detractors at the time. Chief among them was the Missouri Nurses Association, which argued the state's 12,000 nurse practitioners were better suited to address primary care shortages. The association views the state's rules for nurse practitioners as among "the most severely restrictive in the nation."
Nationally, the American Medical Association, American Academy of Family Physicians, and Accreditation Council for Graduate Medical Education also opposed the license.
One initial supporter of the idea was Dr. Jeff Davis, chief medical officer for Scotland County Hospital in rural Memphis, Missouri, and an executive committee member of the Missouri Association of Osteopathic Physicians and Surgeons. Eight years after the law passed, however, Davis has no assistant physicians working with him, even though he said he has several openings that would benefit from them.
The challenge, Davis said, is Medicare will not reimburse for care provided by assistant physicians. Hospitals in rural areas often depend on revenue from that public insurance program for Americans 65 and older. But for hospitals to get paid by Medicare for the work of an assistant physician, Davis said, the assistant physician would have to work under the direct supervision of a physician whose name would be used to submit the bill.
"That doesn't make much business sense," Davis said.
Frederick hopes that having more states create an assistant physician license will force the hand of the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services to start reimbursing for the work done by those clinicians. The American Legislative Exchange Council adopted model associate physician legislation after Frederick presented the idea at the conservative nonprofit's summit last year.
Currently, Missouri has 348 active licenses for assistant physicians, including Dr. Trevor Cook, creator of the Association of Medical Doctor Assistant Physicians. Cook graduated in 2014 from the International American University medical school on the Caribbean island of St. Lucia.
"Unfortunately, I was one of those many, many, many, many thousands of doctors that don't match each year" into a residency program, Cook said.
Cook has practiced at Downtown Urgent Care in St. Louis since 2018, a position he called rewarding. He is supportive of a pathway for assistant physicians to become fully licensed in Missouri, like the one proposed by Derges. As to the indictment, Cook said, one person's actions are not representative of an entire group of practitioners.
A review of active assistant physician licenses in the state — including Derges' — found none under current disciplinary action. Two were previously under probation due to prior behavior.
Still, state doctor groups that initially supported the idea now want to cap the number of years someone can hold an assistant physician license, as other states have done. Under current Missouri law, assistant physicians can practice indefinitely.
"As with anything, you find out that people try to game the system and work an angle and get something that wasn't intended out of something you did in good faith," Davis said.
Dr. Sterling Ransone, president of the American Academy of Family Physicians, said he already had concerns about the quality of care provided by assistant physicians, citing a 2018 JAMA article that found they had lagging test scores compared with their counterparts in residency programs. He said he's doubtful about creating an alternative pathway to full physician licensure.
"I would personally have trouble supporting it without a lot more information to verify quality standards," Ransone said.
The American Medical Association favors a bill in Congress that would increase the number of residency positions in the U.S. by 14,000 over the next seven years.
Dr. Kevin Klauer, CEO of the American Osteopathic Association, didn't shut the door on a role for assistant physicians but said he was skeptical: "We have to be responsible to make sure that we've put all the safeguards in with training and verification and monitoring, so that healthcare that is delivered by a physician is up to the standards that it should be."
Frederick called those concerns "purely turf protection" amid what he said is a tremendous healthcare shortage.
"We have all these people that are highly trained," Frederick said. "Why would you waste that resource?"
The billions of dollars invested in COVID vaccines and COVID-19 research so far are expected to yield medical and scientific dividends for decades, helping doctors battle influenza, cancer, cystic fibrosis, and far more diseases.
"This is just the start," said Dr. Judith James, vice president of clinical affairs for the Oklahoma Medical Research Foundation. "We won't see these dividends in their full glory for years."
Building on the success of mRNA vaccines for COVID, scientists hope to create mRNA-based vaccines against a host of pathogens, including influenza, Zika, rabies, HIV, and respiratory syncytial virus, or RSV, which hospitalizes 3 million children under age 5 each year worldwide.
Pfizer and Moderna worked on mRNA vaccines for cancer long before they developed COVID shots. Researchers are now running dozens of clinical trials of therapeutic mRNA vaccines for pancreatic cancer, colorectal cancer, and melanoma, which frequently responds well to immunotherapy.
Rather than replace the protein itself, scientists plan to deliver mRNA that would instruct the body to make the normal, healthy version of the protein, said David Lockhart, ReCode's president and chief science officer.
None of these drugs is in clinical trials yet.
That leaves patients such as Nicholas Kelly waiting for better treatment options.
Kelly, 35, was diagnosed with cystic fibrosis as an infant and has never been healthy enough to work full time. He was recently hospitalized for 2½ months due to a lung infection, a common complication for the 30,000 Americans with the disease. Although novel medications have transformed the lives of most people with CF, they don't work in 10% of patients. About one-third of patients who don't benefit from the new medications are Black and/or Hispanic, said JP Clancy, vice president of clinical research for the Cystic Fibrosis Foundation.
"Nobody wants to be hospitalized," said Kelly, who lives in Cleveland. "If something could decrease my symptoms even 10%, I would try it."
Predicting Which COVID Patients Are Most Likely to Die
Likewise, funding for AIDS research has benefited patients with a variety of diseases, said Dr. Carlos del Rio, a professor of infectious diseases at Emory University School of Medicine. Studies of HIV led to the development of better drugs for hepatitis C and cytomegalovirus, or CMV; paved the way for successful immunotherapies in cancer; and speeded the development of COVID vaccines.
Over the past two years, medical researchers have generated more than 230,000 medical journal articles, documenting studies of vaccines, antivirals, and other drugs, as well as basic research into the structure of the virus and how it evades the immune system.
Dr. Michelle Monje, a professor of neurology at Stanford University, has found similarities in the cognitive side effects caused by COVID and a side effect of cancer therapy often called "chemo brain." Learning more about the root causes of these memory problems, Monje said, could help scientists eventually find ways to prevent or treat them.
James hopes that computer technology used to detect COVID will improve the treatment of other diseases. For example, researchers have shown that cellphone apps can help detect potential COVID cases by monitoring patients' self-reported symptoms. James said she wonders if the same technology could predict flare-ups of autoimmune diseases.
"We never dreamed we could have a PCR test that could be done anywhere but a lab," James said. "Now we can do them at a patient's bedside in rural Oklahoma. That could help us with rapid testing for other diseases."
One of the most important pandemic breakthroughs was the discovery that 15% to 20% of patients over 70 who die of COVID have rogue antibodies that disable a key part of the immune system. Although antibodies normally protect us from infection, these "autoantibodies" attack a protein called interferon that acts as a first line of defense against viruses.
By disabling key immune fighters, autoantibodies against interferon allow the coronavirus to multiply wildly. The massive infection that results can lead the rest of the immune system to go into hyperdrive, causing a life-threatening "cytokine storm," said Dr. Paul Bastard, a researcher at Rockefeller University.
The discovery of interferon-targeting antibodies "certainly changed my way of thinking at a broad level," said E. John Wherry, director of the University of Pennsylvania's Institute for Immunology, who was not involved in the studies. "This is a paradigm shift in immunology and in COVID."
Antibodies that disable interferon may explain why a fraction of patients succumb to viral diseases, such as influenza, while most recover, said Dr. Gary Michelson, founder and co-chair of Michelson Philanthropies, a nonprofit that funds medical research and recently gave Bastard its inaugural award in immunology.
The discovery "goes far beyond the impact of COVID-19," Michelson said. "These findings may have implications in treating patients with other infectious diseases" such as the flu.
Bastard and colleagues have also found that one-third of patients with dangerous reactions to yellow fever have autoantibodies against interferon.
International research teams are now looking for such autoantibodies in patients hospitalized by other viral infections, including chickenpox, influenza, measles, respiratory syncytial virus, and others.
Overturning Dogma
For decades, public health officials created policies based on the assumption that viruses spread in one of two ways: either through the air, like measles and tuberculosis, or through heavy, wet droplets that spray from our mouths and noses, then quickly fall to the ground, like influenza.
For the first 17 months of the COVID pandemic, the World Health Organization and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention said the coronavirus spread through droplets and advised people to wash their hands, stand 6 feet apart, and wear face coverings. As the crisis wore on and evidence accumulated, researchers began to debate whether the coronavirus might also be airborne.
Today it's clear that the coronavirus — and all respiratory viruses — spread through a combination of droplets and aerosols, said Dr. Michael Klompas, a professor at Harvard Medical School and infectious disease doctor.
"It's not either/or," Klompas said. "We've created this artificial dichotomy about how we think about these viruses. But we always put out a mixture of both" when we breathe, cough, and sneeze.
Knowing that respiratory viruses commonly spread through the air is important because it can help health agencies protect the public. For example, high-quality masks, such as N95 respirators, offer much better protection against airborne viruses than cloth masks or surgical masks. Improving ventilation, so that the air in a room is completely replaced at least four to six times an hour, is another important way to control airborne viruses.
Still, Klompas said, there's no guarantee that the country will handle the next outbreak any better than this one. "Will we do a better job fighting influenza because of what we've learned?" Klompas said. "I hope so, but I'm not holding my breath."
Fighting Chronic Disease
Lauren Nichols, 32, remembers exactly when she developed her first COVID symptoms: March 10, 2020.
It was the beginning of an illness that has plagued her for nearly two years, with no end in sight. Although Nichols was healthy before developing what has become known as "long COVID," she deals with dizziness, headaches, and debilitating fatigue, which gets markedly worse after exercise. She has had shingles — a painful rash caused by the reactivation of the chickenpox virus — four times since her COVID infection.
Six months after testing positive for COVID, Nichols was diagnosed with chronic fatigue syndrome, also known as myalgic encephalomyelitis, or ME/CFS, which affects more than 1 million Americans and causes many of the same symptoms as COVID. There are few effective treatments for either condition.
In fact, research suggests that "the two conditions are one and the same," said Dr. Avindra Nath, clinical director of the National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke, part of the National Institutes of Health. The main difference is that people with long COVID know which virus caused their illness, while the precise virus behind most cases of chronic fatigue is unknown, Nath said.
Advocates of patients with long COVID want to ensure that future research — including $1.15 billion in targeted funding from the NIH — benefits all patients with chronic, post-viral diseases.
"Anything that shows promise in long COVID will be immediately trialed in ME/CFS," said Jarred Younger, director of the Neuroinflammation, Pain and Fatigue Laboratory at the University of Alabama-Birmingham.
Patients with chronic fatigue syndrome have felt a kinship with long COVID patients, and vice versa, not just because they experience the same baffling symptoms, but also because both have struggled to obtain compassionate, appropriate care, said Nichols, vice president of Body Politic, an advocacy group for people with long COVID and other chronic or disabling conditions.
"There is a lot of frustration about being written off by the medical community, being told that it's all in one's head, that they just need to see a psychiatrist or go to the gym," said Dr. David Systrom, a pulmonary and critical care physician at Brigham and Women's Hospital in Boston.
That sort of ignorance seems to be declining, largely because of increasing awareness about long COVID, said Emily Taylor, vice president of advocacy and engagement at Solve M.E., an advocacy group for people with post-infectious chronic illnesses. Although some doctors still refuse to believe long COVID is a real disease, "they're being drowned out by the patient voices," Taylor said.
A new study from the National Institutes of Health, called RECOVER (Researching COVID to Enhance Recovery), is enrolling 15,000 people with long COVID and a comparison group of nearly 3,000 others who haven't had COVID.
"In a very dark cloud," Nichols said, "a silver lining coming out of long COVID is that we've been forced to acknowledge how real and serious these conditions are."
Patients are no longer required to pay for out-of-network care given without their consent when they receive treatment at hospitals covered by their health insurance since a federal law took effect at the start of this year.
But the law's protections against the infuriating, expensive scourge of surprise medical bills may be only as good as a patient's knowledge — and ability to make sure those protections are enforced.
Surprise bills frequently come from emergency room doctors and anesthesiologists, among others — specialists who are often outside a patient's insurance network and not chosen by the patient.
Before the law took effect, the problem went something like this: Say you needed surgery. You picked an in-network hospital — that is, one that accepts your health plan and has negotiated prices with your insurer.
But one of the doctors who treated you didn't take your insurance. SURPRISE! You got a big bill, separate from the bills from the hospital and other doctors. Your insurer didn't cover much of it, if it didn't deny the claim outright. You were expected to pay the balance.
The new law, known as the No Surprises Act, stipulates, in broad terms, that patients who seek care from an in-network hospital cannot be billed more than the negotiated, in-network rate for any out-of-network services they receive there.
Instead of leaving the patient with an unexpected bill that insurance will not cover, the law says, the insurance company and the healthcare provider must work out how the bill gets paid.
But the law builds in wiggle room for providers who wish to try end runs around the protections.
Caution: The law leaves out plenty of medical care.
The changes come with a lot of caveats.
Although the law's protections apply to hospitals, they do not apply at many other places, like doctors' offices, birthing centers, or most urgent care clinics. Air ambulances, often a source of exorbitant out-of-network bills, are covered by the law. But ground ambulances are not.
Patients need to keep their heads up to avoid the pitfalls that remain, said Patricia Kelmar, healthcare campaigns director for the nonprofit Public Interest Research Group, which lobbied for the law.
Say you go for your annual checkup, and your doctor wants to run tests. Conveniently, there's a lab right down the hall.
But the lab may be out of network — despite sharing office space with your in-network doctor. Even with the new law in effect, that lab doesn't have to warn you it is out of network.
Beware the "Surprise Billing Protection Form."
Out-of-network providers may present patients with a form addressing their protections from unexpected bills, labeled "Surprise Billing Protection Form."
Signing it waives those protections and instead consents to treatment at out-of-network rates.
"The form title should be something like the I'm Giving Away All of My Surprise Billing Protections When I Sign This Form, because that's really what it is," Kelmar said.
Your consent must be given at least 72 hours before receiving care — or, if the service is scheduled on the same day, at least three hours in advance. If you've waited weeks to book a procedure with a specialist, 72 hours may not feel like sufficient advance warning to allow you to cancel the procedure.
Among other things, the form should include a "good faith estimate" of what you'll be charged. For nonemergency care, the form should include the names of in-network providers you could see instead.
It should also inform you of an unfortunate catch-22: The provider can refuse to treat you if you refuse to waive your protections.
It is against the law for some providers to give you this form at all. Those include emergency room doctors, anesthesiologists, radiologists, assistant surgeons, and hospitalists.
Keep your antennae up on costs. Many patients report they are merely handed an iPad for recording their signature in emergency rooms and doctors' offices. Insist on seeing the form behind the signature so you know exactly what you are signing.
If you notice a problem, don't sign, Kelmar said. But if you find yourself in a jam — say, because you get this form and urgently need care — there are ways you can fight back:
Write on the form that you are "signing under duress" and note the problem (e.g., "Emergency medicine facilities are not allowed to present this form").
Take a picture of the form with your notes on it. Consider also shooting a video of yourself with the form, describing how it violates federal law.
Report it! There is a federal hotline (1-800-985-3059) and a website for reporting all violations of the new law barring surprise bills. Both the hotline and website help patients figure out what to do, as well as collect complaints.
Speaking of that "good faith estimate" …
The new "good faith estimate" benefit applies anywhere you receive medical care.
Once you book an appointment, the provider must give advance notice of what you could expect to pay without insurance (in other words, if you do not have insurance or choose not to use it). Your final bill may not exceed the estimate by more than $400 per provider.
Theoretically, this gives patients a chance to lower their costs by shopping around or choosing not to pay with insurance. It is particularly appealing for patients with high-deductible insurance plans, but not exclusively: The so-called cash price of care can be cheaper than paying with insurance.
Also: It wouldn't hurt to ask if this is an all-inclusive price, not just a base price to which other incidental services may be added.
It is not enough to ask: "Do you take my insurance?"
It still falls to patients to determine whether medical care is covered. Before you find yourself in a treatment room, ask if the provider accepts your insurance — and be specific.
Kelmar said the question to ask is, "Are you in my insurance plan's network?" Provide the plan name or group number on your insurance card.
The reality is, your insurance company — Blue Cross Blue Shield, Cigna, etc. — has a bunch of different plans, each with its own network. One network may cover a certain provider; another may not.
Keep an eye on your mailbox.
To make sure no one bills you more than expected, pay attention to your mail. Hospital visits, in particular, can generate lots of paperwork. Anything billed should be itemized on a statement from your insurer called an explanation of benefits, or EOB.
Notice anything off? Make some calls before you pay — to your insurer, to the provider, and, of course, to the new federal hotline: 1-800-985-3059.
Dan Weissmann is the host of "An Arm and a Leg," a podcast about the cost of healthcare. This column is adapted from his newsletter First Aid Kit.