Montana is one of six states without a mini-COBRA program, despite the estimate that around 100,000 Montanans work at businesses with 19 or fewer employees.
This article was published on Friday, March 19, 2021 in Kaiser Health News.
For employees of small businesses in Montana suddenly laid off during the COVID-19 pandemic, maintaining health insurance coverage could be a struggle.
Employers with 20 or more workers offer a bridge insurance program made possible by a federal law known as the Consolidated Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act, or COBRA. The law allows people who have left a job voluntarily or involuntarily to keep their former employer's health insurance plan for 18 months by paying the premium that the employer used to cover.
But smaller Montana businesses employing fewer than 20 people are not required to offer such a program, potentially leaving people without continuing coverage if they are laid off. Now, a bill moving through the Montana Legislature would create a "mini-COBRA" law that would require any small business with a group health insurance plan to offer continuing coverage for up to 18 months at the employee's expense starting in 2023.
Montana is one of only six states without a mini-COBRA program, despite the estimate that around 100,000 Montanans work at businesses with 19 or fewer employees. Rep. Mark Thane (D-Missoula), the bill's sponsor, said it was brought to his attention last year by a constituent who worked at such a business.
"The concern, I think, was exacerbated during the pandemic when people were in layoff status and lost access to group health insurance plans," Thane said.
He added that the legislation would not cost Montana taxpayers anything — the premiums are paid by individuals — and that it would bring Montana in line with most other states. The measure, House Bill 378, passed the House 84-14 on March 2 and is pending in the Senate.
Business and trade groups said they opposed the measure because of the additional paperwork it might mean for small mom-and-pop businesses.
"Why do we need to add more red tape and regulations to small businesses?" David Smith, executive director of the Montana Contractors Association, asked a Senate committee on Wednesday.
In response, Thane said he acknowledges the concerns, but added, "I don't see it as an overwhelming paperwork burden."
Mini-COBRAs are not intended to be long-term health insurance plans. For one thing, they generally are expensive. On average, employees with job-based single coverage pay less than 20% of their full insurance premiums (for family coverage, it averages 27%). Under COBRA or mini-COBRA, a former employee pays 100%, plus a 2% administrative fee that goes to their former employer. Montana's bill is modeled on North Dakota's mini-COBRA legislation and provides 18 months of coverage at 102% of the premium and an additional 11 months at 150% of the premium.
Mini-COBRAs are unlikely to be widely used for another reason. The federal exchange created by the Affordable Care Act that sells individual insurance plans is a less expensive option that is better for most people, said Louise Norris, co-owner of a health insurance brokerage in Colorado who writes about health insurance. After all, job loss is among the conditions that qualify a person to buy an ACA exchange plan outside the open enrollment period.
Norris said COBRA might be a better option for patients who are in the middle of treatment, for instance, and don't want to switch physicians. People who have already paid off most of their maximum out-of-pocket costs might also prefer to continue with the same plan rather than starting over at zero with a new plan. "That's where COBRA and mini-COBRA are really attractive," Norris said.
Thane added that people who were laid off during the pandemic but expect to be rehired within a few months might also choose a mini-COBRA to tide them over.
But because the new Montana law, if it passes, wouldn't take effect until 2023, its usefulness in that scenario is likely to be minimal. It also won't come soon enough for Montanans who work at businesses with fewer than 20 employees to take advantage of a provision in the recently passed $1.9 trillion COVID relief bill that will pay for individuals' COBRA and mini-COBRA premiums through September.
Still, Thane hoped that the plan will give more options to employees of small businesses. "Given the competitive labor market, it's become increasingly important for small entities to offer benefit plans to hire and retain folks," he said.
A retired Army staff sergeant had suffered catastrophic lung damage from breathing incinerated waste burned in massive open-air pits and probably other irritants during his tour of duty in Iraq.
This article was published on Friday, March 19, 2021 in Kaiser Health News.
The lungs Bill Thompson was born with told a gruesome, harrowing and unmistakable tale to Dr. Anthony Szema when he analyzed them and found the black spots, scarring, partially combusted jet fuel and metal inside.
The retired Army staff sergeant had suffered catastrophic lung damage from breathing incinerated waste burned in massive open-air pits and probably other irritants during his tour of duty in Iraq.
"There's black spots that are burns, particles all over; there's metal. It was all scarred," said Szema, a pulmonologist and professor who studies toxic exposures and examined Thompson's preserved lung tissue. "There was no gas exchange anywhere in that lung."
Thompson is still alive, surviving on his second transplanted set of lungs. Yet the story burned into the veteran's internal organs is not one that has been entirely convincing to the U.S. government.
The military has not linked the burn pits to illness. That means many who were exposed to burn pits and are sick do not qualify for benefits under any existing program.
Retirement and health benefits for members of the military depend on factors like length of service, active or reserve status, deployments to combat zones and whether the military considers specific injuries or illnesses to be service-related. Thompson has been able to get care through the Department of Veterans Affairs for his lung disease but has not been able to secure other benefits, like early retirement pay.
"I was denied my Army retirement because if it was not a combat action, then I don't receive that retirement," Thompson said at a Senate Veterans' Affairs Committee hearing last week on service members' exposures to toxic substances.
Thompson is one of at least 3.5 million veterans since 2001 who have served in war zones where the U.S. military decided to dispose of its trash by burning it, according to VA estimates.
It's not clear how many people within that population have gotten sick from exposure. Only a small fraction — 234,000 — have enrolled in the VA's online burn pit registry. Veterans' advocacy groups have said the majority of claims to the agency stemming from toxic exposures are denied, even as most former service members report contacts with toxins in their deployments.
Soldiers returning from tours in the global war on terror have reported debilitating illnesses almost from its beginning, but got little traction with the military. This year, though, the likelihood of congressional action is high, with Democrats expressing interest and a president who suspects burn pits are to blame for his son's death.
President Joe Biden's son Beau died of brain cancer in 2015 at age 46. He had deployed to Iraq in two sites with burn pits — at Baghdad and Balad — around the same time Thompson was at Camp Striker, near the Baghdad airport.
"Because of exposure to burn pits — in my view, I can't prove it yet — he came back with stage 4 glioblastoma," Biden said in a 2019 speech.
In testimony at the March 10 hearing, Shane Liermann, who works for the group Disabled American Veterans, told the committee that 78% of burn pit claims are denied. "Part of the problem is VA is not recognizing that exposure as being toxic exposures," Liermann said.
Aleks Morosky, with the Wounded Warrior Project, said that in his group's survey of 28,000 veterans last year, 71% said they had "definitely" been exposed to toxic substances or hazardous chemicals, and 18% said they had "probably" been exposed. Half of those people rated their health as poor or fair. Only about 16% of the service members who believed they had suffered exposure said they got treatment from the VA, and 11% said they were denied treatment.
Thompson, who is 49, said care for his lung disease is often slow and sometimes denied. It took the VA three years to approve an air purifier for his home to filter out allergens, and the VA refused to help pay for the removal of dust-trapping carpets, he said.
Thompson's presence at the hearing, though, was not just meant to put the spotlight on the VA. The military's entire approach to toxic exposure is a morass that leaves ill soldiers and veterans like Thompson trying to navigate a bureaucracy more labyrinthine than the Pentagon's corridors.
After Thompson was shipped back to Fort Stewart in Georgia, his medical ordeal was at first addressed within the military system, including a year at Walter Reed National Military Medical Center in Bethesda, Maryland, where doctors found his lungs filled with titanium, magnesium, iron and silica.
Yet he said he didn't qualify for the Army's traumatic-injury insurance program, which might have helped him pay to retrofit his home in West Virginia. And he can't get his military retirement pay until he's 60.
"I may not live to be age 60. I turn 50 this year," Thompson said.
Illustrating the problem, several officials at the hearing with the Department of Defense, the Army and the National Guard were unable to explain why Thompson — with 23 years of service between the Guard and Army — might have such a hard time qualifying for retirement benefits when the evidence of his lungs and the findings of the Army's own doctors are so vivid and extreme.
For advocates who have been working on the problem for decades, it reminds them all too vividly of Agent Orange, which the military is still coming to grips with.
"It's already been, since the first Persian Gulf [War] — we're talking 30 years — and since burn pits were again active, since 2001," said Liermann. "We're way behind the curve here."
Although Congress has done relatively little to deal with burn pits, many members seem to at least be thinking along the same lines. The Senate Veterans' Affairs hearing promised to be something of a kickoff to a year when lawmakers are poised to offer a slew of bills designed to confront the military's inability to care for service members poisoned during their deployments.
"Make no mistake about it," said the committee chairman, Sen. Jon Tester (D-Mont.). "We hold these hearings for two reasons: to gather information for the committee members and to help educate the VA that they might take action before Congress does."
Republicans have also shown growing interest in the problem, offering targeted bills to ensure a handful of toxin-related diseases are covered by the VA.
At the hearing, conservative freshman Sen. Tommy Tuberville (R-Ala.) seemed especially moved.
"We got to do a better job of taking care of our young people," Tuberville said. "If we're going to go to war, we got to understand we got to pay the price for it on both ends."
There is also likely to be high-profile support and attention when revised legislation starts rolling out this spring.
The broadest bill likely to be offered was first introduced by Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand (D-N.Y.) in the Senate and Rep. Raul Ruiz (D-Calif.) in the House in late 2019, with a boost from former "Daily Show" host Jon Stewart and a cadre of 9/11 responders who are turning their attention to toxic exposures.
Indeed, Ruiz and Gillibrand's legislation is modeled in part on the 9/11 health act that passed in 2015. The burn pit bill would remove the burden of proving a service-related connection.
It would vastly simplify the lives of people like Thompson.
"I am a warrior of the United States of America. I gave my lungs for my country," Thompson said.
He was cut off before he could finish, but his prepared remarks concluded, "Hopefully, after hearing my story, it will bring awareness for not only me but others who are battling the same or similar injuries related to burn pit exposures from Iraq or Afghanistan."
Alexandra Sierra carried boxes of food to her kitchen counter, where her 7-year-old daughter, Rachell, stirred a pitcher of lemonade.
“Oh, my God, it smells so good!” Sierra, 39, said of the bounty she’d just picked up at a food pantry, pulling out a ready-made salad and a container of soup.
Sierra unpacked the donated food and planned lunch for Rachell and her siblings, ages 9 and 2, as a reporter watched through FaceTime. She said she doesn’t know what they’d do without the help.
The family lives in Bergen County, New Jersey, a dense grouping of 70 municipalities opposite Manhattan with about 950,000 people whose median household income ranks in the top 1% nationally. But Sierra and her husband, Aramon Morales, never earned a lot of money and are now out of work because of the pandemic.
The financial fallout of covid-19 has pushed child hunger to record levels. The need has been dire since the pandemic began and highlights the gaps in the nation’s safety net.
While every U.S. county has seen hunger rates rise, the steepest jumps have been in some of the wealthiest counties, where overall affluence obscures the tenuous finances of low-wage workers. Such sudden and unprecedented surges in hunger have overwhelmed many rich communities, which weren’t nearly as ready to cope as places that have long dealt with poverty and were already equipped with robust, organized charitable food networks.
Data from the anti-hunger advocacy group Feeding America and the U.S. Census Bureau shows that counties seeing the largest estimated increases in child food insecurity in 2020 compared with 2018 generally have much higher median household incomes than counties with the smallest increases. In Bergen, where the median household income is $101,144, child hunger is estimated to have risen by 136%, compared with 47% nationally.
That doesn’t mean affluent counties have the greatest portion of hungry kids. An estimated 17% of children in Bergen face hunger, compared with a national average of around 25%.
But help is often harder to find in wealthier places. Missouri’s affluent St. Charles County, north of St. Louis, population 402,000, has seen child hunger rise by 69% and has 20 sites distributing food from the St. Louis Area Foodbank. The city of St. Louis, pop. 311,000, has seen child hunger rise by 36% and has 100 sites.
“There’s a huge variation in how different places are prepared or not prepared to deal with this and how they’ve struggled to address it,” said Erica Kenney, assistant professor of public health nutrition at Harvard University. “The charitable food system has been very strained by this.”
Eleni Towns, associate director of the No Kid Hungry campaign, said the pandemic “undid a decade’s worth of progress” on reducing food insecurity, which last year threatened at least 15 million kids.
And while President Joe Biden’s covid relief plan, which he signed into law March 11, promises to help with anti-poverty measures such as monthly payments to families of up to $300 per child this year, it’s unclear how far the recently passed legislation will go toward addressing hunger.
“It’s definitely a step in the right direction,” said Marlene Schwartz, director of the Rudd Center for Food Policy and Obesity at the University of Connecticut. “But it’s hard to know what the impact is going to be.”
Need Grows in Places of Plenty
After the pandemic struck, the federal government boosted benefits from the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program and offered Pandemic Electronic Benefit Transfer cards to compensate for free or reduced-price school meals while children were schooled from home.
Sierra’s family saw their SNAP benefits of about $800 a month rise slightly and got two of those P-EBT payments, worth $434 each. But at the same time, they lost their main sources of income. Sierra had to leave her Amazon warehouse job when the kids’ school went remote, and Morales stopped driving for Uber when trips became scarce and he feared getting covid on top of his asthma.
Federal relief wasn’t enough for them and many others. So they flocked to food pantries.
In theory, pantries and the food banks that supply them are part of an emergency system designed for short-term crises, Schwartz said. “The problem is, they’ve actually become a standard source of food for a lot of people.”
In Bergen County, the Center for Food Action helped 40,500 households last year, up from 23,000 the year before. In Eagle County, Colorado, where the tony ski resort Vail is located, the Community Market food bank saw its client load nearly quadruple to 4,000. And outside Boston, in the affluent Massachusetts county of Norfolk — where Feeding America data shows child hunger jumped from an estimated 6% of kids to 16% — Dedham Food Pantry’s clients tripled to 1,800.
“This is just out of control compared to other times,” said Lynn Rogal, vice president of the Dedham pantry, which opened in 1990.
Pantry managers said a disproportionate number of clients are from minority groups. Many lost jobs in the eviscerated service sector that undergirds the wealthier parts of their counties. Julie Yurko, CEO of the Northern Illinois Food Bank, said up to half of her current clients have never sought help before.
“In early January, we had a white minivan pull up with three kids, 5 and younger. It ran out of gas sitting there,” Yurko said. “The mom was sobbing, and her beautiful children were sitting there watching her.”
Kelly Sirimoglu, spokesperson for New Jersey’s Center for Food Action, said the stigma around seeking help can be worse in wealthy areas. She said some people tell her, “I never thought I would be in line for food.”
Advocates said the reluctance to seek help means the need is likely even larger than it appears.
Katie Wilson of St. Charles, Missouri, said she heard about a food pantry run by the Sts. Joachim & Ann Care Service from a friend of a friend. She almost didn’t go. The single mom of two children, 11 and 9, lost her job as a hotel auditor in June and tried to squeak by without her income for two months.
“We found ourselves in a situation where it was a ‘heat or eat’ kind of thing,” said Wilson, 42, describing having to choose between heating her home or buying food. “It took me looking around and saying, ‘There is nothing to eat.’”
Struggling to Meet the Need
As hunger has become more visible, donations to food charities have risen. But they don’t address the core problem of an infrastructure that doesn’t match the new need. Some pantries are open just a few hours a week in church basements, a far cry from those that operate regularly and look like supermarkets. Many small pantries struggled to shift to outdoor food distribution during the pandemic or find new helpers when the few, often senior, volunteers felt unsafe doing the work.
“It definitely is harder in these places,” said Yurko, whose food bank distributes to Kendall County, Illinois, which has just three pantries for its population of 129,000. “The safety nets are not as robust.”
A strong safety net also requires pantries to cooperate with one another and the broader array of local social services. That’s been happening for years in Flint, Michigan, said Denise Diller, executive director of Crossover Downtown Outreach Ministry, which runs a pantry. Agencies and community leaders banded together in 2014 when lead poisoned the drinking water.
“When covid occurred, we were already kind of ready,” Diller said.
So was Atlanta. As in Flint, hunger was never hidden there; 15% of children in Fulton County, which includes Atlanta, faced hunger before the pandemic. After covid suspended volunteer shifts, the Atlanta Community Food Bank asked the Georgia National Guard to help sort, pack, warehouse and deliver food to help meet the needs of the estimated 22% of kids experiencing hunger. The food bank also partnered with seven school districts on more than 30 mobile pantries.
Such coordination and connections were lacking in Bergen County, where 80 pantries worked mostly in isolation when the pandemic hit, County Commissioner Tracy Zur said. “They weren’t collaborating. They were going along the same path they had for decades,” she said. “There was this need to break out of the old way of doing things and work together to be more impactful.”
Zur spearheaded the creation of a food security task force in July, reaching out to municipal and faith leaders. Goals include feeding people, connecting them to other services and turning some emergency food programs into full-fledged pantries. “Building an infrastructure is painstaking and ongoing,” she said.
Now, Zur said, pantries are starting to share with one another when one gets a large donation of perishable items such as eggs or milk.
With the need so widespread, residents do much the same.
During a recent pantry trip, Sierra, the New Jersey mom, opened the trunk of her 1999 Toyota and rummaged through the two big boxes volunteers had just placed there. She pointed to eggs, chicken, bread, butter, cheese and apples, observing, “I have more than I need.”
But she said it would never go to waste. Any extra would go to neighbors and their hungry children.
Acknowledging that chronic underfunding of public health contributed significantly to the nation's fragmented response to the coronavirus pandemic, Democrats included more than $100 billion in the recently enacted relief package to address urgent needs and enhance future efforts.
"The pandemic has given us possibly the best chance we've ever had of getting on the right track to shore up our public health resources," said Jeffrey Levi, a professor of health management at the George Washington University School of Public Health. "Tens of millions of us have directly experienced what happens when our country is not prepared."
Even so, Levi and other public health advocates worry that momentum will wane once the pandemic abates, as it has after past crises and natural disasters. They also say that more sustained funding will be needed over the next decade and beyond to address long-festering problems.
"We heartily support this new law," said Dr. Georges Benjamin, executive director of the American Public Health Association. "But many of its provisions are for one-time and time-limited increases in funding for COVID-related needs and financial distress. What we hope is that this will be a down payment on a long-term commitment to enhancing public health infrastructure and hiring more public health workers at the federal, state and local levels."
He pointed to long-term public health issues that existed before the pandemic, such as high rates of obesity and uncontrolled diabetes, that compounded COVID-related hospitalization and deaths in the U.S.
The law steers $49 billion toward enhancing coronavirus testing, contact tracing and genomic sequencing, to help identify and track virus variants. Even if the number of infections declines, the money assures these efforts continue for the rest of this year and into 2022 if needed.
Another $50 billion goes to the Federal Emergency Management Agency to support vaccine distribution and logistical and social support in areas hardest hit by pandemic-related job loss and financial strain. This includes such activities as food distribution.
States and local government agencies are allotted $350 billion to make up for lost tax revenue amid the pandemic-caused recession. Some of that money is expected to be spent on pandemic response and public health programs, but it comes with a deadline. It must be spent by Dec. 31, 2024.
A series examining how the U.S. public health front lines have been left understaffed and ill-prepared to save us from the coronavirus pandemic. The project is a collaboration between KHN and the AP.
The law also set aside $7.6 billion for hiring more public health workers, but experts said that won't be enough over the long term.
The Biden administration touted this element of its pandemic plan in January, recommending that 100,000 nurses and other workers be hired as part of a new "U.S public health service corps."
The proposal, mentioned often in media coverage in January and early February, stipulated that the new corps would initially provide support for vaccine distribution, contact tracing and the nation's network of more than 1,000 public-funded community health centers. After the pandemic ended, those hired would retain their jobs and serve as an enduring upgrade to local public health services and preparedness, the administration indicated.
The concept of the corps is not in the final law, however, which instead specifies that the $7.6 billion be spent on "establishing, expanding, and sustaining a public health workforce, including by making awards to state, local, and territorial public health departments." That language, public health experts said, permits the federal government more flexibility while it determines who should be hired for what and in which states.
But the language could bog down the program in red tape.
"Some state and local public health departments will need and be better able to absorb new workers than others," said Levi of George Washington University. "The flexibility makes sense, but we will need to carefully monitor how this unfolds."
The Biden administration initially estimated that hiring 100,000 workers would triple the size of the public health workforce. But it's unclear how many people work in the field nationwide now, including public health nurses, disease intervention specialists, epidemiologists, contact tracers, community health workers, lab technicians, IT specialists and support staff.
A White House spokesperson said the new law "will allow us to build our long-term public health capacity, particularly in low-income and underserved communities," in part "by hiring workers from the communities they serve."
Dr. Umair Shah, Washington state's secretary of health, said more "boots on the ground is definitely part of what we need," but he added that "recruiting new people takes time."
Shah also noted that many public health leaders and workers are burned out after the past year, in part because they often were vilified for messaging on mask-wearing, physical distancing and restrictions. Some left their jobs because of that intimidation.
Adriane Casalotti, chief of government affairs at the National Association of County & City Health Officials, which represents the nation's nearly 3,000 local health departments, said "the backlash was harmful. I hope we can move beyond it now and that lawmakers and the public see more clearly that what we do is critical."
Determining what the U.S. spends on public health is not straightforward. Federal and state spending for emergency programs, disaster relief, preventive health and social services commonly overlap with public health funding. Also, public health programs are spread across dozens of federal and state agencies.
Trust for America's Health, a nonpartisan public health advocacy group, estimates that about 3% of all health spending in the U.S. goes to public health and disease prevention in 2020 — more than $100 billion.
Not content with the funding in the new law, public health advocates are pressing Congress for an additional $4.5 billion a year in annual funding for public health.
Sen. Patty Murray (D-Wash.), chair of the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions (HELP) Committee, has introduced legislation to provide funding at that level. "It's critical we end the cycle of crisis and complacency when it comes to funding for public health," Murray said in a statement. "The simple fact is: public health saves lives."
Carolyn Mullen, senior vice president for government affairs at the Association of State and Territorial Health Officials, concurred: "The money tends to increase in times of crisis and natural disasters, then declines after the crisis abates. That's not the way to sustain preparedness."
At a time when millions of Californians were trolling websites for hours to find vaccination slots, Long Beach, which has its own health department separate from the rest of Los Angeles County, aimed to simplify the process.
This article was published on Thursday, March 18, 2021 in Kaiser Health News.
LONG BEACH, Calif. — Cristina Davila wasn't used to being happy about waiting in line.
As a server at the Navy Proof Restaurant and Bar, the specter of COVID has weighed heavily on her mind for the past several months. Davila has been especially worried about the possibility of bringing the virus home to her young son and diabetic mother.
And here she was, standing outside the Long Beach Convention Center with hundreds of other Long Beach residents and workers, about to receive a coveted COVID vaccine — even though she's only 31.
"It's like a relief, I would say," she said. "I'm excited."
The occasion: a super-sized vaccine clinic just for food workers. The March 5 date offered 3,000 slots to restaurant workers, bodega and market employees, cooks or anyone else in the city's food business.
The vaccine clinic that day, which the city has followed by dedicating more shots to food and other essential workers, was an attempt to help safely reopen Long Beach restaurants while providing a giant thank-you to people who've been risking illness to keep the city fed, said Long Beach Mayor Robert Garcia.
At a time when millions of Californians were trolling websites for hours to find vaccination slots, Long Beach, which has its own health department separate from the rest of Los Angeles County, aimed to simplify the process, at least for a few vulnerable groups.
"Food workers have been working nonstop since the start of this pandemic and they deserve to feel safe when they go to work to serve their community," said Garcia, whose mother and stepfather died of COVID in July.
Jennifer Rice Epstein, a spokesperson for the city health department, encouraged Long Beach residents and workers to register at longbeach.gov/vaxLB for one of 3,000 vaccine appointments the city is offering daily to employees in these sectors: food service, healthcare, agriculture, emergency response, education, janitorial services — and anyone 65 or older.
In addition to the 3,000 appointments, the city holds an additional 500 spots open each day for city residents and workers without appointments — as long as they show a pay stub or other proof they are in a priority tier.
Long Beach's century-old health department has established relationships with schools, nonprofit partners and businesses that have built up a level of trust that makes it easier to organize such campaigns, Rice Epstein said.
The city of 466,000 was also one of the first in the state to send mobile clinics to vaccinate residents with physical and mental disabilities, she said. The city also offered to send a vaccinating team out to any qualified person who can't physically reach the convention center. As of March 15, the roughly 20% of city residents who'd gotten at least one shot was similar to the overall rate in the state.
Online registration for vaccination for the food service clinic at the convention center filled quickly. By the time the event opened at 11 a.m., a line of hundreds snaked around one side of the convention center's Terrace Theater, where the shots were administered.
"I feel lucky," said Eric Bohay, 28, who has asthma and works at the grocery pickup counter at a Target store. "I'm in close contact with customers on a daily basis. I take as many precautions as I can, but you never really know what's out there."
Food service workers have been plagued by COVID during the pandemic. One study conducted at the University of California-San Francisco found that deaths of food workers in restaurants, food production and agriculture jumped 39% from March to October 2020. Adults with COVID were twice as likely to have dined out in a restaurant in the two weeks before they showed signs of illness, according to a CDC study, suggesting that the virus lingers in the air where servers, cooks and bussers spend many hours a day.
Those in line expressed some nervousness about the vaccine. "People are saying different things about how they feel after" getting the shot, said Sydney Tripoli.
The 21-year-old photographed rock bands in Orange County and Los Angeles before the pandemic shut down live events. Then she took a job at Ahimsa Vegan Cafe on Fourth Street in Long Beach. She was hoping a vaccination would bring her a step closer to returning to photo gigs.
City officials had phoned and emailed managers and owners of food enterprises — from grocery stores to bars and restaurants — encouraging them to invite their employees to sign up.
That's how Andrew Anderson found out. Anderson, 37, owns the Spicy Kitchen, which makes hot sauces, rubs and pickles for restaurants and markets.
"I was super excited because I do work with a lot of grocery stores and vendors, so I am exposed to a lot of people," he said. He ended up chatting with an industry friend who was also in the vaccination line.
"I feel like I won the lottery," said his friend Lance Todd, a 52-year-old bartender at The Brit, an LGBTQ bar in Long Beach. "My husband can't get a shot yet, so at least this is better than neither one of us having it."
LONG BEACH — On a recent Thursday afternoon, Rhianna Alvarado struggled to don her protective gloves, which were too big for her petite hands.
With her mom coaching her every move, she edged close to her father and gently removed the plastic tube from his throat that allows him to breathe. She then cautiously inserted a new one.
"What's next?" asked her mom, Rocio Alvarado, 43.
"I know, I know," replied Rhianna, her eyes constantly searching for her mom's approval.
Rhianna is only 13. When she finished the delicate task of changing her father's tracheostomy tube, usually performed only by adults, she went back into her room to doodle on her sketch pad and play with her cat.
Rhianna's father, Brian Alvarado, is an Iraq War veteran and neck and throat cancer survivor.
Like most kids, Rhianna has been stuck at home during the COVID-19 pandemic and attends school online. But unlike most other eighth graders, Rhianna is a caregiver, tending to her dad between her virtual classes.
Rhianna is among more than 3 million children and teens who help an ill or disabled family member, according to Caregiving in the U.S. 2020, a national survey published by the National Alliance for Caregiving and AARP. The survey also found that Hispanic and African American children are twice as likely to be youth caregivers as non-Hispanic white children.
Carol Levine, a senior fellow at the United Hospital Fund, a nonprofit that focuses on improving healthcare in New York, said the COVID pandemic, combined with the worsening opioid epidemic, has increased the number of youth caregivers because more children are homebound and must care for ill or addicted parents.
The pandemic has also made caregiving harder for them, since many can no longer escape to school during the day.
"In school they have their peers, they have activities," Levine said. "Because of the contagion, they aren't allowed to do the things they might normally do, so of course there is additional stress."
Levine was an author of a national survey in 2005 that found there were about 400,000 youth caregivers between ages 8 and 11. The survey has not been updated, she said, but that number has likely grown.
Kaylin Jean-Louis was 10 when she started doing little things to care for her grandmother and great-grandmother, who have Alzheimer's disease and live with Kaylin and her mother in Tallahassee, Florida.
Now 15, Kaylin has assumed a larger caregiving role. Every afternoon after her online classes end, the high school sophomore gives the women their medicine, and helps them use the bathroom, dress and take showers.
"Sometimes they can act out and it can be challenging," she said. The hardest thing, she said, is that her grandmother can no longer remember Kaylin's name.
COVID has added another level of stress to an already complex situation, Kaylin said, because she can't decompress outside the house.
"Being around them so much, there has been a little tension," Kaylin acknowledged. She uses art to cope. "I like to paint," she said. "I find it very relaxing and calming."
Kaylin's mother, Priscilla Jean-Louis, got COVID last month and had to rely on Kaylin to care for the elder women while she recovered.
"She isn't forced to do it, but she helps me a great deal," Priscilla said. "If there are moments when I'm a little frustrated, she may pick up on it and be like 'Mommy, let me handle this.'"
Rhianna's dad, Brian, 40, never smoked and was healthy before joining the Marine Corps. He believes he got sick from inhaling smoke from burn pits during the Iraq War.
He was diagnosed with squamous cell carcinoma of the neck and throat in 2007. He also has PTSD, an inflammatory disease that causes muscle weakness and a rash, and hyperthyroidism from chemotherapy and radiation.
Rhianna's mom is Brian's primary caregiver, but Rhianna helps her change her dad's trach tube and feed him through a feeding tube in his abdomen.
"I'm still learning how to do it," Rhianna said. "I get nervous, though."
The two look after him on and off all day. "Our care for him doesn't end," Rocio said.
Rhianna is quiet and reserved. She has autism, struggles with communication and has trouble sleeping. She has been talking to a therapist once a week.
The trach has had the biggest impact on Rhianna, because Brian doesn't join them for meals anymore. "I feel sad that he can't eat anything," she said.
Despite the growing number of youth caregivers, they have little support.
"If you look at all state and national caregiving programs and respite funding, they all begin at the age of 18," said Melinda Kavanaugh, an associate professor of social work at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee.
Kavanaugh is researching Alzheimer's and caregiving in Latino and African American communities in Milwaukee.
"We had a number of kids who were much more stressed out because they had no outlet," she said. "Now they're suddenly 24/7 care and there was absolutely no break."
Adult and youth caregivers often suffer from anxiety, depression and isolation, but there is little data on how caregiving affects young people over the long term, Kavanaugh said.
Connie Siskowski, founder of the American Association of Caregiving Youth, helped care for her grandfather as a child. "I was not prepared," she said. "It was traumatic."
Her Florida-based group connects young caregivers and their families with healthcare, education and community resources. The goal is to identify problems such as stress or isolation among the children, and address them so they won't harm them as adults, Siskowski said.
But long-term care experts said caregiving can also enrich a young person's life.
"It can help kids develop a sense of responsibility, empathy and confidence," Levine said. "The problem comes when their schoolwork, their friendships, their lives as a child are so affected by caregiving that they can't develop in those other important ways."
Nearly all women who deliver babies through cesarean section at Columbia University Irving Medical Center in New York City receive injections of the blood thinner heparin for weeks after the procedure, to prevent potentially life-threatening blood clots.
Obstetric leaders there say that's good medical practice because the formation of those clots, called venous thromboembolism or VTE, though uncommon, is a leading cause of maternal death after delivery, particularly C-section delivery. Broad use of heparin has been shown to be effective and safe in the United Kingdom in reducing that risk and should be adopted in the U.S., they argue.
But there's sharp debate among physicians about whether wide use of heparin is effective, worth the cost and safe, since it carries the risk of bleeding. Last year, the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists and the Society for Maternal-Fetal Medicine recommended heparin only for women at elevated risk of VTE, citing a lack of evidence supporting near-universal use.
The controversy illustrates a classic dilemma for physicians: whether and how to adopt promising new treatments before studies have proven their safety and effectiveness. There also are questions about keeping drug company funding from influencing clinical recommendations around the drug.
The Columbia doctors were lead authors of 2016 guidelines from the National Partnership for Maternal Safety — a multidisciplinary group of medical experts — encouraging doctors to give heparin shots to all women after C-sections, except patients with specific risks. Previously, only a small percentage of mothers received them. Nearly 1.2 million U.S. women deliver via C-section each year.
Other U.S. physician groups generally promote heparin use only for women with a personal or family history of deep vein thrombosis or blood clots in the lungs, called pulmonary embolism, or other high-risk factors. They are estimated to make up less than 5% of pregnant or postpartum women.
Despite gaps in evidence, experts said, the use of heparin has increased across the U.S. since the 2016 guidelines came out, though practices vary widely among doctors and hospitals. One reason for the rise is that more women giving birth have risk factors for VTE, such as obesity and older age.
"We have to make sure we're doing everything possible to reduce preventable maternal death," said Dr. Mary D'Alton, chairperson of obstetrics and gynecology at Columbia University and lead author of the 2016 guidelines. She called heparin treatment "very reasonable" after a cesarean delivery.
One of her co-authors has had second thoughts, however.
"I'd have to agree with some of the critics that there isn't solid evidence we should be giving heparin to as many patients as we do here at Columbia," said Dr. Richard Smiley, an anesthesiologist. "I'd probably want to take a step back. But physicians are willing to be a little more aggressive on this because maternal death is so traumatizing."
The deputy editor of BJOG: An International Journal of Obstetrics and Gynaecology scathingly compared widespread use of heparin for post-delivery patients to debunked obstetric practices of the past like enemas and pubic hair shaving. In a 2018 editorial, he suggested that obstetricians deserved a "booby prize" for adopting this practice without adequate scientific evidence.
One big reason for the lack of evidence is that it's a difficult issue to study, because VTE is relatively rare in women during pregnancy and after delivery, with an estimated incidence of 1 in 1,500 patients. A 2014 study found that out of 466,000 women who delivered through C-section and received the standard nondrug therapy of pneumatic compression devices applied to the legs to reduce clotting risk, just one woman died from pulmonary embolism.
"If those data are valid, and heparin were 50% effective in preventing fatal embolism, we'd have to treat almost 1 million women with heparin to prevent a single maternal death from embolism," said Dr. Dwight Rouse, a professor at Brown University and editor-in-chief of Obstetrics & Gynecology, ACOG's journal.
The cost of preventing that one death? A 2016 editorial he co-authored estimated the minimum national cost associated with widespread use of heparin after C-sections would be $52 million to $130 million annually, not counting the cost of treating serious bleeding complications caused by the drug.
Rouse and other critics say there have been no solid studies either of how effective heparin is at preventing clots or of how many women suffer adverse effects from heparin such as hemorrhage or problems in wound healing. Without those numbers, it's impossible to determine how effective and safe heparin is, they argue. There's also a lack of research on how to best calculate patients' clotting risk based on various individual factors.
While D'Alton and her co-authors claim U.K. data show that maternal deaths from VTE have dropped since British obstetricians recommended broad use of heparin in 2004, critics note that deaths actually have ticked up slightly in recent years to the same level as in the 1980s and '90s.
From 2007 to 2017, the death rate in Britain increased from less than 1 per 100,000 births to about 1.5, according to an analysis by Dr. Andrew Kotaska, an adjunct professor of epidemiology at the University of British Columbia who wrote a 2018 BJOG article arguing that broad heparin use may cause more harm than good.
"The basic rule in evidence-based medicine is you don't implement large-scale interventions that have side effects without first demonstrating net benefit over harm," Kotaska said in an interview. "And this is being done to women without discussing it with them and getting their informed consent."
Obstetricians followed other medical specialties in using heparin after surgical procedures. But the American College of Chest Physicians, whose previous guidelines had strongly advocated giving heparin to post-surgical patients, softened its support in 2012 by saying the evidence for net benefit over harm wasn't clear.
The ACCP also acknowledged that the authors of its previous guidelines promoting heparin use had "highly problematic" financial and intellectual conflicts of interest, including financial relationships with major drug companies that produce anti-clotting drugs. To eliminate such conflicts, the ACCP sharply revised its process for choosing the experts who write its guidelines.
A controversy over drug company funding also arose in connection with the 2016 National Partnership for Maternal Safety guidelines on VTE prevention. In 2019, the editors of Obstetrics & Gynecology, which published the guidelines, disclosed that the National Partnership's guidelines effort received funding from industry groups, including three companies that produce anticoagulant drugs — though the journal said none of the authors received any of those funds.
"We didn't disclose the funding originally because we had no knowledge of it," D'Alton said.
Some critics say funding from drugmakers and other health industry players casts doubt on the credibility of this and other guidelines from physician groups.
"It's a toxic problem for medicine and the care of women," said Dr. Adam Urato, chief of maternal and fetal medicine at MetroWest Medical Center in Framingham, Massachusetts, who pressed Obstetrics & Gynecology to disclose the partnership's drug company funding. "Corporate cash will push guidelines toward things that are good for corporate profits, not for patients."
Meanwhile, Canadian researchers are planning to test an alternative drug that may be equally effective, safer and cheaper in preventing VTE in women after delivery — aspirin.
Orthopedic surgeons have reported that aspirin is as effective as injectable blood thinners at preventing clots.
"I'm not against heparin, but we don't know the best way to prevent clots," said Dr. Leslie Skeith, an assistant professor of hematology at the University of Calgary who launched a five-nation study. "We just need better evidence."
Do public health experts generally consider herd immunity to kick in at 60%?
This article was published on Wednesday, March 17, 2021 in Kaiser Health News.
By Carmen Heredia Rodriguez It's been a long, dark winter of COVID concerns, stoked by high post-holiday case counts and the American death tally exceeding 530,000 lives lost. But with three vaccines — Pfizer-BioNTech, Moderna and Johnson & Johnson — now authorized for emergency use in the United States, there seems to be hope that the pandemic's end may be in sight.
A recent analysis by the Wall Street research firm Fundstrat Global Advisors fueled this idea, suggesting as many as nine states were already reaching the coveted "herd immunity" status as of March 7, signaling that a return to normal was close at hand.
"Presumed 'herd immunity' is 'the combined value of infections + vaccinations as % population > 60%,'" noted a tweet by a CNBC anchor based on a more complete analysis by the firm. That got us thinking: Does this calculation hold up?
First, do public health experts generally consider herd immunity to kick in at 60%? In addition, does current scientific thinking equate protection from the antibodies generated by past COVID infections with the same degree of protection as a vaccination?
We decided to find out.
First, a review of herd immunity. Also known as community or population immunity, the term is used to describe the point at which enough people are sufficiently resistant — or have an immune response — to an infectious agent that it has difficulty spreading to others.
In this explainer, we noted that people generally gain immunity either from vaccination or infection. For contagious diseases that have marked modern history — smallpox, polio, diphtheria or rubella — vaccines have been the mechanism through which herd immunity was achieved.
While the United States is getting closer to this point, most health experts caution, it still has ground to cover. Fundstrat's analysis offered a rosier take. Although the site is located behind a paywall, the chart generated buzz on Twitter and in news outlets like the Daily Caller.
Fundstrat relied on a variety of sources — particularly, a data scientist and pandemic modeler named Youyang Gu — to determine what level of immunity a state needs to stamp out COVID, said Ken Xuan, the firm's head of data science research. From there, analysts created a chart intended to track the level of COVID immunity in each state. They calculated the number by adding the percentage of people estimated to have been infected with the virus to the percentage of people who had received the vaccine.
Xuan, who was quick to note that he is not a public health expert, said he and his team followed Gu's predictions and arrived at 60%, a figure he acknowledges is an assumption.
"The idea would be we don't know if 60% is true," he said. However, if states that have reached this threshold see steep declines in COVID cases, "then it's the number to watch."
What About the 60% Marker?
Throughout the pandemic, health experts have tended to set the magic number for herd immunity between 50% and 70% — with most, including Dr. Anthony Fauci, the head of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, leaning toward the higher end of the spectrum.
"I would say 75 to 85% would have to get vaccinated if you want to have that blanket of herd immunity," he told NPR in December.
The experts we consulted were skeptical of the 60% figure, saying the mechanics of the Fundstrat analysis were relatively sound but oversimplified.
Ali Mokdad, chief strategy officer for population health at the University of Washington, said the level of immunity needed to reach this goal can vary due to several factors. "Nobody knows what is herd immunity for COVID-19 because it's a new virus," he said.
That said, Mokdad described using 60% as "totally wrong." Data from other communities around the world show COVID outbreaks happening at or near that level of immunity, he said. Indeed, the city of Manaus in Brazil saw cases drop for several months, then surge despite three-fourths of their residents already having had the virus.
Josh Michaud, associate director for global health policy at KFF, described the 60% assumption as "off-base."
And some said it wasn't even the main point.
Dr. Jeff Engel, senior adviser for COVID at the Council of State and Territorial Epidemiologists, said the question of herd immunity may not even be relevant because, regarding COVID, we may never reach it. The novel virus may become endemic, he said, which means it will continue circulating like influenza or the common cold. For him, lowering deaths and hospitalizations is more important.
"The concept of herd immunity means that once we reach the threshold, it's going to go away," Engel said. "That's not the case. That's a false notion."
Natural and Vaccine Immunity — Should They Be Lumped Together?
When asked why the Fundstrat analysis treated the two types of immunity as equivalent, Xuan said it was an assumption.
Here's what current science supports.
Those who receive any of the three vaccines available in the United States enjoy a high level of protection against getting seriously sick and dying from COVID — even after one dose of a two-shot series.
In addition, people who were infected and recovered from the virus appear to retain some protection for at least 90 days after testing positive. Immunity may be lower and decline faster among people who developed few to no symptoms.
Practically speaking, two experts said, natural and vaccine-induced immunity work the same way in the body. This lends credibility to Fundstrat's approach.
However, some health experts consider vaccine-induced immunity to be better than the protection generated by the infection because it may be more robust, said Michaud. Researchers are still figuring out whether people who were infected with the virus but experienced mild or no symptoms generated an immune response as strong as those who developed more severe disease.
In fact, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention cites the unknowns surrounding natural immunity and the risk of getting sick again with COVID as reasons for those who had the virus to get a vaccine.
"They haven't been studied well at all yet," said Engel, in reference to asymptomatic people. "And maybe we're going to discover that a large group of them didn't develop really robust immunity."
Both types of viral protection leave room for potential breakthrough infections, Michaud said. Neither offers "perfect immunity," he said. And wild cards remain. How long do both types of immunity last? How do different people's systems respond? How protected will people be from emerging coronavirus variants?
"It's a witches' brew of different factors to consider when you're trying to estimate herd immunity at this point," said Michaud.
This spring, high school senior Nathan Kassis will play baseball in the shadow of covid-19 — wearing a neck gaiter under his catcher’s mask, sitting 6 feet from teammates in the dugout and trading elbow bumps for hugs after wins.
“We’re looking forward to having a season,” said the 18-year-old catcher for Dublin Coffman High School, outside Columbus, Ohio. “This game is something we really love.”
Kassis, whose team has started practices, is one of the millions of young people getting back onto ballfields, tennis courts and golf courses amid a decline in covid cases as spring approaches. But pandemic precautions portend a very different season this year, and some school districts still are delaying play — spurring spats among parents, coaches and public health experts across the nation.
Since fall, many parents have rallied for their kids to be allowed to play sports and objected to some safety policies, such as limits on spectators. Doctors, meanwhile, haven’t reached a consensus on whether contact sports are safe enough, especially indoors. While children are less likely than adults to become seriously ill from covid, they can still spread it, and those under 16 can’t be vaccinated yet.
Less was known about the virus early in the pandemic, so high school sports basically stopped last spring, starting up again in fits and spurts over the fall and winter in some places. Some kids turned to recreational leagues when their school teams weren’t an option.
But now, according to the National Federation of State High School Associations, public high school sports are underway in every state, though not every district. Schedules in many places are being changed and condensed to allow as many sports as possible, including those not usually played in the spring, to make up for earlier cancellations.
Coaches and doctors agree that playing sports during a pandemic requires balancing the risk of covid with benefits such as improved cardiovascular fitness, strength and mental health. School sports can lead to college scholarships for the most elite student athletes, but even for those who end competitive athletics with high school, the rewards of playing can be extensive. Decisions about resuming sports, however, involve weighing the importance of academics against athletics, since adding covid risks from sports could jeopardize in-person learning during the pandemic.
Tim Saunders, executive director of the National High School Baseball Coaches Association and coach at Dublin Coffman, said the pandemic has taken a significant mental and social toll on players. In a May survey of more than 3,000 teen athletes in Wisconsin, University of Wisconsin researchers found that about two-thirds reported symptoms of anxiety and the same portion reported symptoms of depression. Other studies have shown similar problems for students generally.
“You have to look at the kids and their depression,” Saunders said. “They need to be outside. They need to be with their friends.”
Before letting kids play sports, though, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention said, coaches and school administrators should consider things like students’ underlying health conditions, the physical closeness of players in the specific sport and how widely covid is spreading locally.
Karissa Niehoff, executive director of the high school federation, has argued that spring sports should be available to all students after last year’s cancellations. She said covid spread among student athletes — and the adults who live and work with them — is correlated to transmission rates in the community.
“Sports themselves are not spreaders when proper precautions are in place,” she said.
Still, outbreaks have occurred. A January report by CDC researchers pointed to a high school wrestling tournament in Florida after which 38 of 130 participants were diagnosed with covid. (Fewer than half were tested.) The report’s authors said outbreaks linked to youth sports suggest that close contact during practices, competitions and related social gatherings all raise the risk of the disease and “could jeopardize the safe operation of in-person education.”
Dr. Kevin Kavanagh, an infection control expert in Kentucky who runs the national patient safety group Health Watch USA, said contact sports are “very problematic,” especially those played indoors. He said heavy breathing during exertion could raise the risk of covid even if students wear cloth masks. Ideally, he said, indoor contact sports should not be played until after the pandemic.
“These are not professional athletes,” Kavanagh said. “They’re children.”
A study released in January by University of Wisconsin researchers, who surveyed high school athletic directors representing more than 150,000 athletes nationally, bolsters the idea that indoor contact sports carry greater risks, finding a lower incidence of covid among athletes playing outdoor, non-contact sports such as golf and tennis.
Overall, “there’s not much evidence of transmission between players outdoors,” said Dr. Andrew Watson, lead author of the study, which he is submitting for peer-reviewed publication.
Dr. Jason Newland, a pediatrics professor at Washington University in St. Louis, said all sorts of youth sports, including indoor contact sports such as basketball, can be safe with the right prevention measures. He supported his daughter playing basketball while wearing a mask at her Kirkwood, Missouri, high school.
Doctors also pointed to other safety measures, such as forgoing locker rooms, keeping kids 6 feet apart when they’re not playing and requiring kids to bring their own water to games.
“The reality is, from a safety standpoint, sports can be played,” Newland said. “It’s the team dinner, the sleepover with the team — that’s where the issue shows up. It’s not the actual games.”
In Nevada’s Clark County School District, administrators said they’d restart sports only after students in grades 6-12 trickle back for in-person instruction as part of a hybrid model starting in late March. Cases in the county have dropped precipitously in recent weeks, from a seven-day average of 1,924 cases a day on Jan. 10 to about 64 on March 3.
In early April, practices for spring sports such as track, swimming, golf and volleyball are scheduled to begin, with intramural fall sports held in April and May. No spectators will be allowed.
Parents who wanted sports to start much earlier created Let Them Play Nevada, one of many groups that popped up to protest the suspension of youth athletics. The Nevada group rallied late last month outside the Clark County school district’s offices shortly before the superintendent announced the reopening of schools to in-person learning.
Let Them Play Nevada organizer Dennis Goughnour said his son, Trey, a senior football player who also runs track, was “very, very distraught” this fall and winter about not playing.
With the reopening, he said, Trey will be able to run track, but the intramural football that will soon be allowed is “a joke,” essentially just practice with a scrimmage game.
“Basically, his senior year of football is a done deal. We are fighting for maybe one game, like a bowl game for the varsity squad at least,” he said. “They have done something, but too little, too late.”
Goughnour said Let Them Play is also fighting to have spectators at games. Limits on the numbers of spectators have riled parents across the nation, provoking “a ton of pushback,” said Niehoff, of the high school federation.
Parents have also objected to travel restrictions, quarantine rules and differing mask requirements. In Orange County, Florida, hundreds of parents signed a petition last fall against mandatory covid testing for football players.
Students, for their part, have quickly adjusted to pandemic requirements, including rules about masks, distancing and locker rooms, said Matt Troha, assistant executive director of the Illinois High School Association.
Kassis, the Ohio baseball player, said doing what’s required to stay safe is a small price to pay to get back in the game.
“We didn’t get to play at all last spring. I didn’t touch a baseball this summer,” he said. “It’s my senior year. I want to have a season and I’ll be devastated if we don’t.”
In the nation's battle against the diabetes epidemic, the go-to weapon being aggressively promoted to patients is as small as a quarter and worn on the belly or arm.
A continuous glucose monitor holds a tiny sensor that's inserted just under the skin, alleviating the need for patients to prick their fingers every day to check blood sugar. The monitor tracks glucose levels all the time, sends readings to patients' cellphone and doctor, and alerts patients when readings are headed too high or too low.
Nearly 2 million people with diabetes wear the monitors today, twice the number in 2019, according to the investment firm Baird.
There's little evidence continuous glucose monitoring (CGM) leads to better outcomes for most people with diabetes — the estimated 25 million U.S. patients with Type 2 disease who don't inject insulin to regulate their blood sugar, health experts say. Still, manufacturers, as well as some physicians and insurers, say the devices help patients control their diabetes by providing near-instant feedback to change diet and exercise compared with once-a-day fingerstick tests. And they say that can reduce costly complications of the disease, such as heart attacks and strokes.
Continuous glucose monitors are not cost-effective for Type 2 diabetes patients who do not use insulin, said Dr. Silvio Inzucchi, director of the Yale Diabetes Center.
Sure, it's easier to pop a device onto the arm once every two weeks than do multiple finger sticks, which cost less than a $1 a day, he said. But “the price point for these devices is not justifiable for routine use for the average person with Type 2 diabetes."
Without insurance, the annual cost of using a continuous glucose monitor ranges from nearly $1,000 to $3,000.
Lower Prices Help Propel Use
People with Type I diabetes — who make no insulin — need the frequent data from the monitors in order to inject the proper dose of a synthetic version of the hormone, via a pump or syringe. Because insulin injections can cause life-threatening drops in their blood sugar, the devices also provide a warning to patients when this is happening, particularly helpful while sleeping.
People with Type 2 diabetes, a different disease, do make insulin to control the upswings after eating, but their bodies don't respond as vigorously as people without the disease. About 20% of Type 2 patients still inject insulin because their bodies don't make enough and oral medications can't control their diabetes.
Doctors often recommend that diabetes patients test their glucose at home to track whether they are reaching treatment goals and learn how medications, diet, exercise and stress affect blood sugar levels.
The crucial blood test doctors use, however, to monitor diabetes for people with Type 2 disease is called hemoglobin A1c, which measures average blood glucose levels over long periods of time. Neither finger-prick tests nor glucose monitors look at A1c. They can't since this test involves a larger amount of blood and must be done in a lab.
The continuous glucose monitors also don't assess blood glucose. Instead they measure the interstitial glucose level, which is the sugar level found in the fluid between the cells.
Companies seem determined to sell the monitors to people with Type 2 diabetes — those who inject insulin and those who don't — because it's a market of more than 30 million people. In contrast, about 1.6 million people have Type 1 diabetes.
Helping to fuel the uptake in demand for the monitors has been a drop in prices. The Abbott FreeStyle Libre, one of the leading and lowest-priced brands, costs $70 for the device and about $75 a month for sensors, which must be replaced every two weeks.
Another factor has been the expansion in insurance coverage.
Nearly all insurers cover continuous glucose monitors for people with Type 1 diabetes, for whom it's a proven lifesaver. Today, nearly half of people with Type 1 diabetes use a monitor, according to Baird.
A small but growing number of insurers are beginning to cover the device for some Type 2 patients who don't use insulin, including UnitedHealthcare and Maryland-based CareFirst BlueCross BlueShield. These insurers say they have seen initial success among members using the monitors along with health coaches to help keep their diabetes under control.
The few studies — mostly small and paid for by device-makers — examining the impact of the monitors on patient's health show conflicting results in lowering hemoglobin A1c.
Still, Inzucchi said, the monitors have helped some of his patients who don't require insulin — and don't like to prick their fingers — change their diets and lower their glucose levels. Doctors said they've seen no proof that the readings get patients to make lasting changes in their diet and exercise routines. They said many patients who don't use insulin may be better off taking a diabetes education class, joining a gym or seeing a nutritionist.
“I don't see the extra value with CGM in this population with current evidence we have," said Dr. Katrina Donahue, director of research at the University of North Carolina Department of Family Medicine. “I'm not sure if more technology is the right answer for most patients."
Donahue was co-author of a landmark 2017 study in JAMA Internal Medicine that showed no benefit to lowering hemoglobin A1c after one year regularly checking glucose levels through finger-stick testing for people with Type 2 diabetes.
She presumes the measurements did little to change patients' eating and exercise habits over the long term — which is probably also true of continuous glucose monitors.
“We need to be judicious how we use CGM," said Veronica Brady, a certified diabetes educator at the University of Texas Health Science Center and spokesperson for the Association of Diabetes Care & Education Specialists. The monitors make sense if used for a few weeks when people are changing medications that can affect their blood sugar levels, she said, or for people who don't have the dexterity to do finger-stick tests.
Yet, some patients like Trevis Hall credit the monitors for helping them get their disease under control.
Last year, Hall's health plan, UnitedHealthcare, gave him a monitor at no cost as part of a program to help control his diabetes. He said it doesn't hurt when he attaches the monitor to his belly twice a month.
The data showed Hall, 53, of Fort Washington, Maryland, that his glucose was reaching dangerous levels several times a day. “It was alarming at first," he said of the alerts the device would send to his phone.
Over months, the readings helped him change his diet and exercise routine to avert those spikes and bring the disease under control. These days, that means taking a brisk walk after a meal or having a vegetable with dinner.
“It's made a big difference in my health," said Hall.
This Market 'Is Going to Explode'
Makers of the devices increasingly promote them as a way to motivate healthier eating and exercise.
The manufacturers spend millions of dollars pushing doctors to prescribe continuous glucose monitors, and they're advertising directly to patients on the internet and in TV ads, including a spot starring singer Nick Jonas during this year's Super Bowl.
Kevin Sayer, CEO of Dexcom, one of the leading makers of the monitors, told analysts last year that the noninsulin Type 2 market is the future. “I'm frequently told by our team that, when this market goes, it is going to explode. It's not going to be small, and it's not going to be slow," he said.
“I believe, personally, at the right price with the right solution, patients will use it all the time," he added.