Doctors have noted a troubling phenomenon associated with some COVID cases: Even after extubation, some patients remain unconscious for days, weeks or longer.
This article was published on Thursday, August 27, 2020 in Kaiser Health News.
Leslie Cutitta said yes, twice, when clinicians from Massachusetts General Hospital in Boston called asking whether she wanted them to take — and then continue — extreme measures to keep her husband, Frank Cutitta, alive.
The first conversation, in late March, was about whether to let Frank go or to try some experimental drugs and treatments for COVID-19. The second call was just a few days later. Hospital visits were banned, so Leslie couldn't be with her husband or discuss his wishes with the medical team in person. So she used stories to try to describe Frank's zest for life.
"Frank used to joke that he wanted to be frozen, like Ted Williams, until they could figure out what was wrong with him if he died," said Leslie Cutitta. It wasn't a serious end-of-life discussion, but Cutitta knew her husband would want every possible lifesaving measure deployed.
So the Cutittas hung on and a small army of ICU caregivers kept working. On April 21, after 27 days on a ventilator, Frank's lungs had recovered enough to remove the breathing tube.
After the removal, it typically takes hours, maybe a day, for the patient to return to consciousness. The body needs that time to clear the drugs that keep the patient sedated and comfortable — able to tolerate intubation and mechanical ventilation.
But doctors across the U.S. and in other countries have noted a troubling phenomenon associated with some COVID cases: Even after extubation, some patients remain unconscious for days, weeks or longer. There's no official term for the problem, but it's being called a "prolonged" or "persistent" coma or unresponsiveness.
Frank Cutitta, 68, was one of those patients. He just didn't wake up.
"It was a long, difficult period of not — just not knowing whether he was going to come back to the Frank we knew and loved," said Leslie Cutitta. "It was very, very tough."
Doctors studying the phenomenon of prolonged unresponsiveness are concerned that medical teams are not waiting long enough for these COVID-19 patients to wake up, especially when ICU beds are in high demand during the pandemic.
As Frank's unresponsive condition continued, it prompted a new conversation between the medical team and his wife about whether to continue life support. Although he no longer needed the ventilator, he still required a feeding tube, intravenous fluids, catheters for bodily waste and some oxygen support.
Leslie Cutitta recalled a doctor asking her: "If it looks like Frank's not going to return mentally, and he's going to be hooked up to a dialysis machine for the rest of his life in a long-term care facility, is that something that you and he could live with?"
She struggled to imagine the restricted life Frank might face. Every day, sometimes several times a day, she would ask Frank's doctors for more information: What's going on inside his brain? Why is this happening? When might something change?
Their candid and consistent answer was: We don't know.
"Because this disease is so new and because there are so many unanswered questions about COVID-19, we currently do not have reliable tools to predict how long it will take any individual patient to recover consciousness," said Dr. Brian Edlow, a critical care neurologist at Mass General.
Given all the unknowns, doctors at the hospital have had a hard time advising families of a patient who has remained unresponsive for weeks, post-ventilator. Some families in that situation have decided to remove other life supports so the patient can die. Edlow can't say how many.
"It is very difficult for us to determine whether any given patient's future will bring a quality of life that would be acceptable to them," Edlow said, "based on what they've told their families or written in a prior directive."
Theories abound about why COVID-19 patients may take longer to regain consciousness than other ventilated patients, if they wake up at all. COVID-19 patients appear to need larger doses of sedatives while on a ventilator, and they're often intubated for longer periods than is typical for other diseases that cause pneumonia. Low oxygen levels, due to the virus's effect on the lungs, may damage the brain. Some of these patients have inflammation related to COVID-19 that may disrupt signals in the brain, and some experience blood clots that have caused strokes.
"So there are many potential contributing factors," Edlow said. "The degree to which each of those factors is playing a role in any given patient is still something we're trying to understand."
One of the first questions researchers hope to answer is how many COVID-19 patients end up in this prolonged, sleeplike condition after coming off the ventilator.
"In our experience, approximately every fifth patient that was hospitalized was admitted to the ICU and had some degree of disorders of consciousness," said Dr. Jan Claassen, director of neurocritical care at New York's Columbia University Medical Center. "But how many of those actually took a long time to wake up, we don't have numbers on that yet."
An international research group based at the University of Pittsburgh Medical Center expects to have in September some initial numbers on COVID-19 brain impacts, including the problem of persistent comas. Some COVID patients who do eventually regain consciousness still have cognitive difficulties.
To try to get a handle on this problem at Columbia, Claassen and colleagues created a "coma board," a group of specialists that meets weekly. Claassen published a study in 2019 that found that 15% of unresponsive patients showed brain activity in response to verbal commands. A casereported by Edlow in July described a patient who moved between a coma and minimal consciousness for several weeks and was eventually able to follow commands.
This spring, as Edlow observed dozens of Mass General COVID-19 patients linger in this unresponsive state, he joined Claassen and other colleagues from Weill Cornell Medical College to form a research consortium. The researchers are sharing their data to determine the cause of prolonged coma in COVID-19 patients, find treatments and better predict which patients might eventually recover, given enough time and treatment.
The global research effort has grown to include more than 222 sites in 45 countries. Prolonged or persistent comas are just one area of research, but one getting a lot of attention.
Dr. Sherry Chou, a neurologist at the University of Pittsburgh Medical Center, is leading the international effort.
Chou said families want to know "whether a patient can wake up and be themselves." Answering that question "depends on how accurate we are at predicting the future, and we know we're not very accurate right now."
A CT scan of Frank Cutitta's brain showed residue from blood clots but was otherwise "clean."
"From what they could tell, there was no brain damage," Leslie Cutitta said.
And then, on May 4, after two weeks with no signs that Frank would wake up, he blinked. Leslie and her two daughters watched on FaceTime, making requests such as "Smile, Daddy" and "Hold your thumb up!"
"At least we knew he was in there somewhere," she said.
It was another week before Frank could speak and the Cutittas got to hear his voice.
"We'd all be pressing the phone to our ears, trying to catch every word," Leslie Cutitta recalled. "He didn't have a lot of them at that point, but it was just amazing, absolutely amazing."
Frank Cutitta spent a month at Spaulding Rehabilitation Hospital. He's back home now, in a Boston suburb, doing physical therapy to strengthen his arms and legs. He said he slurs words occasionally but has no other cognitive problems.
While he was in the ICU, Cutitta's nurses played recorded messages from his family, as well as some of his favorite music from the Beach Boys and Luciano Pavarotti. Frank Cutitta said he believes the flow of these inspiring sounds helped maintain his cognitive function.
The Cutittas said they feel incredibly lucky. Leslie Cutitta said one doctor told the family that during the worst of the pandemic in New York City, most patients in Frank's condition died because hospitals couldn't devote such time and resources to one patient.
"If Frank had been anywhere else in the country but here, he would have not made it," Leslie Cutitta said. "That's a conversation I will never forget having, because I was stunned."
Frank Cutitta credits the Mass General doctors and nurses, saying they became his advocates.
It "could have gone the other way," he said, if clinicians had decided "'Look, this guy's just way too sick, and we've got other patients who need this equipment.' Or we have an advocate who says, 'Throw the kitchen sink at him,'" Frank said. "And we happened to have the latter."
Many hospitals use 72 hours, or three days, as the period for patients with a traumatic brain injury to regain consciousness before advising an end to life support. As COVID-19 patients fill intensive care units across the country, it's not clear how long hospital staff will wait beyond that point for those patients who do not wake up after a ventilator tube is removed.
Joseph Giacino, director of rehabilitation neuropsychology at Spaulding, said he's worried hospitals are using that 72-hour model with COVID-19 patients who may need more time. Even before the coronavirus pandemic, some neurologists questioned that model. In 2018, the American Academy of Neurology updated its guidelines for treating prolonged "disorders of consciousness," noting that some situations may require more time and assessment.
Some patients, like Frank Cutitta, do not appear to have any brain damage. Whatever caused his extended period of unconsciousness cleared.
Unless a patient has previously specified that she does not want aggressive treatment, "we need to really go slow," said Giacino, "because we are not at a point where we have prognostic indicators that approach the level of certainty that is necessary before making a decision that we should stop treatment because there is no chance of meaningful recovery."
Doctors interviewed for this story urged everyone to tell their loved ones what you expect a "meaningful recovery" to include. If confronted with this situation, family members should ask doctors about their levels of certainty for each possible outcome.
Some medical ethicists also urge clinicians not to rush when it comes to decisions about how quickly COVID-19 patients may return to consciousness.
"A significant number of patients are going to have a prolonged recovery from the comatose state that they're in," said Dr. Joseph Fins, chief of medical ethics at Weill Cornell Medical College. "This is a time for prudence because what we don't know can hurt us and can hurt patients."
Leslie and Frank Cutitta have a final request: Wear a mask.
"This disease is nothing to be trifled with," Leslie Cutitta said. "It's a devastating experience."
Frank Cutitta worries about all of the patients still suffering with COVID-19 and those who have survived but have lasting damage.
"I'm not considering myself one of those," he said, "but there are many, many people who would rather be dead than left with what they have after this."
This story is part of a partnership that includes WBUR, NPR and KHN.
However, those executive orders are far from being implemented, and multiple experts told us it’s unlikely the measures would pass along drug-pricing discounts to a majority of Americans.
This article was first published on Wednesday, August 26, 2020 in Kaiser Health News.
President Donald Trump has long considered lowering the high cost of prescription drugs to be one of his signature issues, and it is likely to be a talking point he relies on throughout the upcoming campaign.
During his afternoon speech Monday ― delivered on the first day of the Repubublican National Convention after delegates had unanimously renominated him to seek reelection ― he returned to this theme.
“Now, I’m really doing it,” he said, referring to a series of four executive orders he issued in July. These orders touched on a range of issues, including insulin prices and drug importation. He focused on two specifically.
“But the fact is that we signed a favored nations clause and a rebate clause, and your numbers are going to come down 60, 70%,” he said.
However, those executive orders are far from being implemented, and multiple experts told us it’s unlikely the measures would pass along drug-pricing discounts to a majority of Americans. And the text of one, the favored nation executive order, has not yet been made public ― making it hard to know how exactly the initiative would work.
“Details are a bit murky,” Matthew Fiedler, a health care fellow with the Brookings Institution, wrote in an email.
We checked in with the White House to find out more details about the favored nation order and when the text might be released. However, we did not get a response. Still, we decided to dig in.
What We Know
The favored nation executive order was supposed to match U.S. prices for a certain class of drugs with the lower amount paid in certain European countries, which negotiate drug prices. It reportedly would have applied only to drugs covered by Medicare Part B ― those that patients receive at their doctors’ offices, such as infused cancer drugs ― but not those purchased at the pharmacy counter. Drug companies criticized the executive order, and the Trump administration offered to consider an alternative plan if the firms offered it by Aug. 24. So far, the industry has not made a counter offer.
A spokesperson for PhRMA, the lobbying group that represents major drugmakers, said in a statement that “the most favored nation executive order is an irresponsible and unworkable policy that will give foreign politicians a say in how America provides access to treatments and cures for seniors and people struggling with devastating diseases.” The group did not confirm on the record whether an alternative drug-pricing plan had been discussed with the White House.
The Trump administration floated a similar idea in 2018, which met with swift criticism from some of its usual supporters, such as Americans for Tax Reform, a right-leaning advocacy group that opposes tax increases. The criticism was marked by TV ads warning that this approach to drug costs was a step toward socialism. We found that claim to be Mostly False. The Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services estimated at that time the resulting savings from such a plan would be 30%, but it was never enacted.
Multiple experts questioned Trump’s claims about how much costs would come down as a result of the more recent proposal.
That’s in part because the full text of the executive order has not been published, and so classifying the president’s statement as true “requires a leap of faith,” said Benedic Ippolito, a resident scholar who studies health care costs at the American Enterprise Institute.
Ippolito allowed that because some drug prices in other countries are far below those in the U.S., a reduction of 60% or 70% could be plausible for an individual product. But, in order for that to happen, the policy would have to be implemented.
Seeing this 60% to 70% decrease “relies on the idea that this policy ever happens. And I think there is reason to be very skeptical there,” Ippolito wrote in an email.
Rachel Sachs, an associate professor of law at Washington University in St. Louis, who has analyzed the drug-pricing executive orders, agreed there’s no solid foundation to support those percentages.
“I don’t know about the 60 or 70%,” she said. “I don’t know what he’s talking about.”
Another executive order attempted to address the rebates paid to pharmacy benefit managers within Medicare by directing that these payments instead be used as discounts for beneficiaries within the Part D program, the plans that pay for prescription medications.
However, experts pointed out that those discounts usually go toward lowering insurance premiums for seniors. Without applying the discount there, premiums would likely go up. And, in order to keep premiums down, the federal government would need to spend more on subsidies.
Analyses from the Congressional Budget Office and other groups predicted that Trump’s rebate proposal would lower drug prices for some seniors, but would also increase federal spending and increase seniors’ premiums.
There is also a stipulation in the text of the order, which says the order cannot be implemented if it leads to increased government spending or higher premiums for beneficiaries. Thus, it’s unclear how such a proposal would be implemented.
“The executive order on the rebate is internally contradictory, which makes you wonder how they can do this,” said Sachs.
Why It Matters
Trump is likely to continue saying he has reduced drug prices, not only during the Republican National Convention but for the remainder of the 2020 campaign.
Trump likes to present proposals in the works as having been implemented, and we’ve fact-checked him twice before on similar drug-pricing statements.
In May 2019, he claimed he brought down drug prices for the first time in 51 years, which we found to be Mostly False. And in early August of that year, we fact-checked a claim about another of his drug-pricing executive orders that inflated his efforts to reduce insulin prices, which we also found to be Mostly False.
This time, Trump referenced two different drug-pricing executive orders. While it is true that he signed both of them (though the text of only one is publicly available), experts have expressed skepticism about whether these proposals will be implemented, as well as whether they would lower drug prices significantly for Americans.
And this isn’t the first time Trump has made this promise to the American people.
“He promised to lower drug prices as part of his campaign in 2016 and has done absolutely nothing of substance about drug prices at all while he’s been in office,” Aaron Kesselheim, a professor of medicine at Harvard, wrote in an email.
Harbor-UCLA wants to recruit most, if not all, of the trial's 500 participants from among the high-risk patients it already treats.
This article was published on Wednesday, August 26, 2020 in Kaiser Health News.
By Arthur Allen The patients at Dr. Eric Daar's hospital are at high risk for serious illness from COVID-19, and he's determined to make sure they're part of the effort to fight the disease.
He also hopes they can protect themselves in the process.
When Daar and his colleagues at Harbor-UCLA Medical Center on Wednesday announce the start of enrollment for a trial to test a COVID-19 vaccine produced by AstraZeneca, they will also unveil the hospital's community-based recruitment strategy.
Harbor-UCLA wants to recruit most, if not all, of the trial's 500 participants from among the high-risk patients it already treats: people over 65, those with chronic illnesses and members of underserved racial and ethnic groups. Hospital officials also expect that the recruitment task will not be easy.
"It's a priority and obligation to make sure our community is well represented in these trials," said Daar, chief of HIV medicine at Harbor-UCLA and a researcher at the UCLA-affiliated Lundquist Institute, who dropped his other research projects last spring to focus on a COVID-19 vaccine.
The safety-net hospital in Torrance, California, serves patients in the South Bay area of Los Angeles County who are predominantly Black, Latino and Pacific Islander. Many live in crowded homes and do "essential" work that requires them to expose themselves to the virus to make a living: They're orderlies and cooks and house cleaners, day laborers and bus drivers and sanitation workers.
The area has high rates of heart disease and stroke.
"If you don't have a community represented in the trial, it's hard to extrapolate your results to the community," said Dr. Katya Corado, one of Daar's colleagues. "We want to find something to protect our patients and loved ones."
Latinos and Blacks in the United States are nearly three times more likely than non-Hispanic whites to be diagnosed with COVID-19 and nearly five times more likely to be hospitalized with the disease. In Los Angeles County, Latinos in particular have been disproportionately stricken by the virus.
Eight of 10 COVID-19 deaths nationwide occur among people 65 and older, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
Historically, Blacks and Latinos have been less likely to be included in clinical trials for disease treatment, despite federal guidelines that urge minority and elder participation.
The National Institutes of Health and the Food and Drug Administration have urged infectious disease researchers to focus on these vulnerable populations in the large phase 3 trials that will test how well vaccines prevent COVID-19.
Harbor-UCLA, a public teaching hospital owned and operated by Los Angeles County, is one of roughly 100 sites nationwide testing the AstraZeneca vaccine candidate, which was developed in collaboration with Oxford University in Britain. Phase 3 trials of about the same size for vaccine candidates produced by Moderna and Pfizer are already underway. Each of the three companies seeks to recruit 30,000 people, 20,000 of whom will get the vaccine and 10,000 a placebo, or harmless saline solution, to test whether the vaccine prevents coronavirus disease.
Recruitment at Harbor-UCLA will include patients with well-controlled chronic diseases such as diabetes and hypertension, and people with HIV who've kept the virus under control with medication, Daar said.
According to the AstraZeneca trial protocol, patients will get up to $100 for each of 15 to 20 visits during the two-year trial. The Harbor-UCLA team will also offer car services to bring people to the hospital through L.A. traffic.
To reach its targeted recruits, the hospital will distribute leaflets to clinics and community organizations and create targeted social media campaigns, in addition to taking any free publicity it can get, Daar said.
Recruitment of high-risk patients in other COVID-19 trials so far has been mixed. Moderna, which began the first phase 3 trial of the experimental vaccines on July 27, announced Friday that 18% of its 13,000-plus enrollees so far were Black, Latino or Native American — a high percentage as clinical trials go, but only about one-third of the goal set by NIH officials.
Other AstraZeneca trial sites have also publicized their efforts to reach those most at risk from the virus. The University of Southern California's Keck School of Medicine placed one of its AstraZeneca recruitment sites in Vernon, south of downtown Los Angeles in an area with many factories and meatpacking plants, which have experienced high COVID-19 infection rates.
Clinicians suspect that the higher rates of disease and hospitalization in minority groups are due both to health conditions — such as undertreated diabetes and heart disease — and to higher exposure to the virus in workplaces and crowded housing. Environmental factors like polluted neighborhoods may also have an impact.
While there's little evidence that vaccines affect Blacks or Latinos differently than white people, the subject hasn't really been studied, said Dr. Akilah Jefferson Shah, an allergist/immunologist and bioethicist at the University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences. That's another reason for making sure these groups are well represented in trials, she said.
"We know now there are subgroup responses to drugs by sex, but no one figured it out until they started including women in these studies," Jefferson Shah said. "Race is not genetic. It's a social construct. But there are genetic variants more prevalent in certain populations. We won't know until we look."
Perhaps most important, diversity in the research will be needed to build trust and uptake of the vaccine, Corado said. In a May poll from the Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research, just 25% of Blacks and 37% of Hispanics said they would definitely seek vaccination against the coronavirus, compared with 56% of whites.
In July, the Harbor-UCLA vaccine team began holding weekly Zoom meetings with about 25 activists and clergy members to learn what their communities were saying about the vaccine and get tips on how to design educational materials for the trial.
What they've heard suggests they'll have an uphill recruitment battle.
One member of the community council, HIV activist Dontá Morrison, noted that people frequently say on social media that the vaccine is designed to give them COVID-19 as part of a plot to get rid of Black voters. (None of the vaccines contains infectious COVID virus.)
"It may seem far-fetched, but those are the conversations because we have an administration that has not shown itself to be trustworthy," Morrison said.
He noted that the first challenge UCLA researchers face is to convince community leaders, particularly clergy members, of the vaccine's safety. Church leaders worry they'll be blamed for supporting the trial if the vaccine ends up making their congregants sick, he said.
If done right, the trial could build trust in medical science while helping minorities help themselves — and the rest of us — find a way out of the current mess, Morrison said.
Dr. Raphael Landovitz, another UCLA scientist working on the trial, agreed.
"We're hoping that people understand this is a chance — if we succeed — to take back some power and control in this situation that has made so many of us feel so powerless," he said.
As COVID-19 continues to spread, an increasing number of rural communities find themselves without their hospital or on the brink of losing already cash-strapped facilities.
This article was published on Wednesday, August 26, 2020 in Kaiser Health News.
After becoming ill with COVID-19, Antone was hospitalized only 65 miles away from his small Alabama town. He is the mayor of Georgiana — population 1,700.
"It hit our rural community so rabid," Antone said. The town's hospital closed last year. If hospitals in nearby communities don't have beds available, "you may have to go four or five hours away."
As COVID-19 continues to spread, an increasing number of rural communities find themselves without their hospital or on the brink of losing already cash-strapped facilities.
Eighteen rural hospitals closed last year and the first three months of 2020 were "really big months," said Mark Holmes, director of the Cecil G. Sheps Center for Health Services Research at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill. Many of the losses are in Southern states like Florida and Texas. More than 170 rural hospitals have closed nationwide since 2005, according to data collected by the Sheps Center.
It's a dangerous scenario. "We know that a closure leads to higher mortality pretty quickly" among the populations served, said Holmes, who is also a professor at UNC Gillings School of Global Public Health. "That's pretty clear."
One 2019 study found that death rates in the surrounding communities increase nearly6% after a rural hospital closes — and that's when there's not a pandemic.
Add to that what is known about the coronavirus: People who are obese or live with diabetes, hypertension, asthma and other underlying health issues are more susceptible to COVID-19. Rural areas tend to have higher rates of these conditions. And rural residents are more likely to be older, sicker and poorer than those in urban areas. All this leaves rural communities particularly vulnerable to the coronavirus.
Congress approved billions in federal relief funds for healthcare providers. Initially, federal officials based what a hospital would get on its Medicare payments, butby late April they heeded criticismand carved out funds for rural hospitals and COVID-19 hot spots. Rural hospitals leapt at the chance to shore up already-negative budgets and prepare for the pandemic.
The funds "helped rural hospitals with the immediate storm," said Dr. Don Williamson, president of the Alabama Hospital Association. Nearly 80% of Alabama's rural hospitals began the year with negative balance sheets and about eight days' worth of cash on hand.
Before the pandemic hit this year, hundreds of rural hospitals "were just trying to keep their doors open," said Maggie Elehwany, vice president of government affairs with the National Rural Health Association. Then, an estimated 70% of their income stopped as patients avoided the emergency room, doctor's appointments and elective surgeries.
"It was devastating," Elehwany said.
Paul Taylor, chief executive of a 25-bed critical access hospital and outpatient clinics in northwestern Arkansas, accepted millions in grants and loan money Congress approved this spring, largely through the CARES (Coronavirus Aid, Relief and Economic Security) Act.
"For us, this was survival money and we spent it already," Taylor said. With those funds, Ozarks Community Hospital increased surge capacity, expanding from 25 beds to 50 beds, adding negative pressure rooms and buying six ventilators. Taylor also ramped up COVID-19 testing at his hospital and clinics, located near some meat-processing plants.
Throughout June and July, Ozarks tested 1,000 patients a day and reported a 20% positive rate. The rate dropped to 16.9% in late July. But patients continue to avoid routine care.
Taylor said revenue is still constrained and he does not know how he will pay back $8 million that he borrowed from Medicare. The program allowed hospitals to borrow against future payments from the federal government, but stipulated that repayment would begin within 120 days.
For Taylor, this seems impossible. Medicare makes up 40% of Ozarks' income. And he has to pay the loan back before he gets any more payments from Medicare. He's hoping to refinance the hospital's mortgage.
"If I get no relief and they take the money … we won't still be open," Taylor said. Ozarks provides 625 jobs and serves an area with a population of about 75,000.
There are 1,300 small critical access hospitals like Ozarks in rural America and, of those, 859 took advantage of the Medicare loans, sending about $3.1 billion into the local communities. But many rural communities have not yet experienced a surge in coronavirus cases — national leaders fear it will come as part of a new phase.
"There are pockets of rural America who say, 'We haven't seen a single COVID patient yet and we do not believe it's real,'" Taylor said. "They will get hit sooner or later."
Across the country, the loss of patients and increased spending required to fight and prepare for the coronavirus was "like a knife cutting into a hospital's blood supply," said Ge Bai, associate professor of health policy and management at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health in Baltimore.
Bai said the way the federal government reimbursed small rural hospitals through federal programs like Medicare before the pandemic was faulty and inefficient. "They are too weak to survive," she said.
In rural Texas about two hours from Dallas, Titus Regional Medical Center chief executive Terry Scoggin cut staff and furloughed workers even as his rural hospital faced down the pandemic. Titus Regional lost about $4 million last fiscal year and broke even each of the three years before that.
Scoggin said he did not cut from his clinical staff, though. Titus is now facing its second surge of the virus in the community. "The last seven days, we've been testing 30% positive," he said, including the case of his father, who contracted it at a nursing home and survived.
"It's personal and this is real," Scoggin said. "You know the people who are infected. You know the people who are passing away."
Of his roughly 700 employees, 48 have tested positive for the virus and one has died. They are short on testing kits, medication and supplies.
"Right now the staff is strained," Scoggin said. "I've been blown away by their selflessness and unbelievable spirit. We're resilient, we're nimble, and we will make it. We don't have a choice."
As some parts of America gingerly begin to open up after months of near-total lockdown, people have questions. Will it be safe to take a train? A plane? Visit the hair salon? An indoor restaurant?
There are many knowable parameters in the equation: your health; the prevalence of cases where you live; the safety precautions being taken anyplace you want to visit. But the final answer may depend on your individual risk tolerance for exposure to infectious disease.
Most Americans alive today have never before had to make that self-assessment.
In the past, deadly outbreaks of plague, flu and polio were regular occurrences. Up until the mid- to late 20th century there were mumps, measles and chickenpox to contend with.
In a world of effective antibiotics and antivirals and other treatments, deaths or even serious illnesses from infectious disease seem nearly incomprehensible. So our fear is enormous, and our risk tolerance for exposure is just about zero.
I hear too many people saying "I'm not going back to life until there's a vaccine" — as if that will immediately eliminate the risk. It won't. Even if one of the current vaccine candidates works, it could be quite a while before it's widely distributed. And to be approved by the Food and Drug Administration, it must protect only half of the people taking it from infection.
For the foreseeable future, we will be living in a world with some level of the coronavirus out there. So if we want to get out of our bunkers, we all need to take stock of our risk tolerance.
As a doctor, I worked in a New York City emergency room and in a remote coastal clinic in Kenya, and then I became a journalist covering disease. I've had to measure my risk tolerance for infection in different situations.
Once, collecting blood from an AIDs patient, I couldn't feel the artery through my glove. The glove came off.
Treating a patient with multi-drug-resistant tuberculosis, I pulled my surgical mask a little tighter, made sure the windows were open and — irrationally — tried to breathe in less.
Reporting from the animal market where the SARS outbreak is thought to have started, I told myself that I should be OK, since it was outdoors. But I stayed away from animals being slaughtered, didn't touch any surfaces and took off my shoes before entering my hotel room.
Note that these decisions do not mean ignoring the data and infectious disease specialists' recommendations, as some conservatives are doing as they push ahead to reopen schools, businesses, restaurants and sports events.
Actually it's kind of the opposite: Accepting risk doesn't mean throwing caution to the wind. It means taking all precautions and deciding you can live with the very reduced risk that remains.
With the coronavirus, the only way to possibly eliminate risk is essentially to move to a house in the countryside and live in your family bubble. And many Americans, particularly wealthy ones, have done just that. This personal response was extreme, but it felt rational to many people because our national response to the coronavirus was so scattershot, flat-footed and incompetent.
But isolation is wearing thin.
So as states and cities engineer sensible reopening policies, everyone is going to have to assess their risk tolerance and cautiously push their personal boundaries bit by bit.
Some, of course, never got to make this decision. Risk tolerance is about duty and conscience but very often it's also about how much you need a paycheck.
Doctors, nurses and others who work in healthcare had no choice but to dive in. These folks did not, as so many have claimed, go into the profession "knowing the risks." They came to work knowing that the risk of infectious diseases could be controlled with careful precautions. That's why they felt angry and betrayed when they were asked to fight the novel coronavirus without an adequate supply of protective gear or (in some places) training about the new pathogen. And, tragically, some died as a result.
Now many physicians I know in COVID-19 hot spots say they actually feel safest in the hospital, where procedures like masking and sanitizing are assiduously followed. (Hell hath no fury like a surgeon who witnesses a medical student touch a sterile surface with an unsterile hand.) In contrast, on the sidewalk, the coronavirus could be roaming free if people aren't wearing masks.
Which is why masking should be mandated and enforced. It's not just about your individual risk tolerance but about keeping everyone safe.
In addition to wearing masks and social distancing when not at home, we should avoid prolonged periods in indoor spaces with crowds or strangers; wash or sanitize our hands — a lot — and try not to touch "high-touch" surfaces that hundreds of people have grabbed before. (Note to my local post office: You should have some kind of automatic door rather than require everyone to pull the handle!)
And we have to demand that anywhere we go — bookstores, medical offices, trains or hair salons — requires that patrons follow these guidelines. I, for one, won't enter if they don't.
I do not blame teachers for being unwilling to return to school in places where administrators and officials have been in denial about COVID-19 or have been unwilling or unable to do this preparatory work. But once schools have put in place appropriate science-based steps, most teachers (those not in high-risk groups) should return to their jobs.
COVID-19 is a very serious disease. But it is not the Black Death, which killed up to half of Europe in the 14th century. A vaccine, when and if it arrives, will be a big help. But in the meantime, we have science. We know what causes COVID-19. We are learning more about how to detect, prevent and treat it every day.
So instead of taking your temperature and checking your pulse oximeter reading twice a day, it may be time to take stock of your risk tolerance. In those places where governments, businesses and administrators have set the stage properly, we can — with sensible precautions — begin to live again.
In a business driven by profit, vaccines have a problem. They're not very profitable — at least not without government subsidies. Pharma companies favor expensive medicines that must be taken repeatedly and generate revenue for years or decades. Vaccines are often given only once or twice. In many parts of the world, established vaccines cost a few dollars per dose or less.
Last year only four companies were making vaccines for the U.S. market, down from more than 20 in the 1970s. As recently as Feb. 11, Dr. Anthony Fauci, the government's top infectious disease expert, complained that no major drug company had committed to "step up" to make a coronavirus vaccine, calling the situation "very difficult and frustrating."
Oxford University surprised and pleased advocates of overhauling the vaccine business in April by promising to donate the rights to its promising coronavirus vaccine to any drugmaker.
The idea was to provide medicines preventing or treating COVID-19 at a low cost or free of charge, the British university said. That made sense to people seeking change. The coronavirus was raging. Many agreed that traditional vaccine development, characterized by long lead times, manufacturing monopolies and weak investment, was broken.
"We actually thought they were going to do that," James Love, director of Knowledge Ecology International, a nonprofit that works to expand access to medical technology, said of Oxford's pledge. "Why wouldn't people agree to let everyone have access to the best vaccines possible?"
A few weeks later, Oxford—urged on by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation—reversed course. It signed an exclusive vaccine deal with AstraZeneca that gave the pharmaceutical giant sole rights and no guarantee of low prices—with the less-publicized potential for Oxford to eventually make millions from the deal and win plenty of prestige.
Other companies working on coronavirus vaccines have followed the same line, collecting billions in government grants, hoarding patents, revealing as little as possible about their deals—and planning to charge up to $37 a dose for potentially hundreds of millions of shots.
Even as governments shower money on an industry that has not made vaccines a priority in the past, critics say, failure to alter the basic model means drug industry executives and their shareholders will get rich with no assurance that future vaccines will be inexpensively available to all.
"If there were ever an opportunity" to change the economics of vaccine development, "this would have been it," said Ameet Sarpatwari, an epidemiologist and lawyer at Harvard Medical School who studies drug-pricing regulation. Instead, "it is business as usual, where the manufacturers are getting exclusive rights and we are hoping on the basis of public sentiment that they will price their products responsibly."
In the United States and other developed nations, the solution to drug-company reluctance was to shower them with billions of dollars in public funds to persuade them to help. The Trump administration has announced deals worth more than $10 billion with seven companies to try to turn basic research—often funded by the government—into effective, widely distributed vaccines—but with no guarantee they would be widely affordable or available.
That approach has driven up stock prices in the past four months and enriched drug executives betting with somebody else's money.
AstraZeneca stock and options owned by CEO Pascal Soriot have increased by nearly $15 million in value since early April, according to calculations by KHN based on company disclosures. The stock hit an all-time high in July. The stock market value of Novavax, a biotech that never recorded a profit in more than two decades, soared tenfold to $10 billion after a nonprofit and the Trump administration agreed to give it $1.6 billion to make a vaccine.
Companies "say we have to charge high prices because we are taking a risk," said Mohga Kamal-Yanni, an independent consultant on global health based in the United Kingdom. "Actually, the public is taking the risk. The public is paying for the cost of research and development and probably the cost of manufacturing as well."
Moderna, another company working on a vaccine candidate, received nearly $1 billion from the U.S. government to pay essentially all costs to research the product and get it approved by regulators. It's using a vaccine designed in large part by the National Institutes of Health and academic scientists using federal grants.
If the vaccine works, the company gets an additional $1.5 billion to cover 100 million doses, a deal that U.S. Rep. Lloyd Doggett, a Texas Democrat, likened to giving taxpayers "the privilege of purchasing that same vaccine that we already paid for."
That deal comes to $15 a dose. Moderna told Wall Street analysts it might charge as much as $37 a dose for smaller-volume contracts.
"This is greedy, and the taxpayers who have funded all of this should have expected better negotiation on the part of the U.S. government," said Margaret Liu, a globally respected vaccine scientist who once worked for Merck and is now chairperson of the International Society for Vaccines.
The U.S. Health and Human Services Department "conducted extensive market research and price analysis" to ensure prices are fair, said a senior HHS official who asked for anonymity. "We are prohibited from disclosing price discussions and details."
Even if Moderna distributed a successful vaccine at a loss to make it widely available, it would reap enormous benefits because government support would have helped validate its technology for future products, Liu said. Moderna did not respond to requests for comment.
Nonprofits such as Oxfam and Doctors Without Borders have been pressuring drug companies to change for years. Exclusive patents and high prices that sometimes make lifesaving medicines unaffordable in rich countries often render them completely unavailable in the poor world, they argue.
One workaround has been enormous private and government subsidies, including from the U.K., the United States and the Gates Foundation, to promote developing-nation vaccines through the Geneva nonprofit Gavi, formerly known as the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization.
The Gates Foundation helped launch another non-governmental organization, the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations, in 2017. CEPI was created to fight something exactly like the coronavirus: potential infectious threats ignored or slighted by pharmaceutical companies.
CEPI's early principles of "equitable access" drew praise from reformers. The group asked for public data disclosure from drug-company grantees, "transparent" accounting to show true vaccine cost and the right to step in and take over a vaccine project if the developer failed to deliver.
The pharma industry immediately objected. Even though they were bankrolled by public money, drug companies were "concerned about the precedent that could be set if they allowed an outside entity, in this case CEPI, to set [the] price of a product unilaterally," CEPI reported in February. The nonprofit backed down, removing most references to prices in a new policy that Doctors Without Borders called "an alarming step backwards."
The original policy was intended to be "interim," and CEPI's "commitment to equitable access as a principle is the same," said spokesperson Rachel Grant.
Some thought the worst infectious disease crisis in a century, along with the enormous public investments, would change industry behavior.
Governments could have demanded transparency and low prices. They could have offered developers cash prizes for vaccines that would have incentivized science but let the public retain the marketing rights, said Love, of Knowledge Ecology International.
Agreement by researchers to publish the virus genome in January set the stage for global scientific cooperation, many believed.
"The full sequence was shared with the world without any strings attached," said Manuel Martin, a U.K.-based adviser to Doctors Without Borders on access to medical innovations.
"I personally don't believe that in a time of pandemic there should be exclusive licenses," Adrian Hill, director of Oxford's Jenner Institute, which is developing the vaccine, told The New York Times in April.
Instead, little has changed. No vaccine maker has offered open licenses, although NIH is sharing key technology it developed with multiple vaccine companies. Governments are signing lucrative deals with manufacturers to ensure vaccines for their own populations. WHO has made no announcements about contributions to its COVID-19 shared technology pool since it launched in May, patent experts said. WHO officials did not respond to a reporter's queries.
After Oxford announced the exclusive AstraZeneca deal, the company said it would sell vaccines at no profit—but only during the pandemic. Johnson & Johnson's pledge to earn no vaccine profit is similarly limited.
With financial information kept confidential, no one will be able to confirm whether the vaccines are truly being sold at cost. And if vaccine immunity is only temporary and endemic coronavirus strains require regular shots for years, the companies will make plenty of money down the road, critics say.
Under its deal with AstraZeneca, Oxford will receive no royalties during the pandemic but could make millions after it ends through a web of patents including those held by Vaccitech, a for-profit spinoff. Vaccitech's ownership includes a 50% stake held directly or indirectly by Oxford and 5.25% each owned by Hill and Jenner's other top vaccine scientist, Sarah Gilbert, U.K. regulatory filings show.
Pharma company officials say that only decades of industry research could have made it even possible to produce a coronavirus vaccine at the present speed.
"The federal government cannot research, develop and manufacture vaccines and other new treatments on its own," said Andrew Powaleny, a spokesperson for the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, a lobbying group. Large and early government investment "is a well-accepted approach to addressing public health crises," he said.
Many argue that a health crisis is not the time to worry about overpaying for vaccines or backing some candidates that won't deliver. Getting a good vaccine as quickly as possible requires spreading bets, they say.
"Spending some extra billions on vaccines is the right choice when human life is at stake and trillions in economic loss is at risk," said Edward Scolnick, a top scientist at the Broad Institute and former head of research for Merck. He owns no stock in Merck or other pharma companies, he said.
Oxford backed off from its open-license pledge after the Gates Foundation urged it to find a big-company partner to get its vaccine to market.
"We went to Oxford and said, Hey, you're doing brilliant work," Bill Gates told reporters on June 3, a transcript shows. "But … you really need to team up." The comments were first reported by Bloomberg.
AstraZeneca, one of the U.K.'s two major pharma companies, may have demanded an exclusive license in return for doing a deal, said Ken Shadlen, a professor at the London School of Economics and an authority on pharma patents—a theory supported by comments from CEO Soriot.
"I think IP [intellectual property, or exclusive patents] is a fundamental part of our industry and if you don't protect IP, then essentially there is no incentive for anybody to innovate," Soriot told the newspaper The Telegraph in May.
Some see the Gates Foundation, a heavy funder of Gavi, CEPI and many other vaccine projects, as supporting traditional patent rights for pharma companies.
"[Bill] Gates has staked out this outsized role in the vaccine world," Love said. "He has an ideological belief that the intellectual property system is a wonderful mechanism that is necessary for innovation and prosperity."
The Gates Foundation requires all its grantees to commit to making products "widely available at an affordable price," a spokesperson said.
Oxford officials, including Hill and Gilbert, did not respond to requests for comment. AstraZeneca, for its part, would set a "reasonable" post-pandemic price and is "committed to ensure equitable access, globally" in the meantime, a spokesperson said. The company has signed deals with CEPI, Gavi and the Serum Institute of India to bring more than a billion doses to low- and middle-income countries, he said.
If nothing else, governments and vaccine makers should be open about their relationships, including making contracts public, said Duncan Matthews, a patent law professor at the Queen Mary University of London.
"We simply don't know what's in these deals," he said. "The biopharma industry is applying old rules of commercial confidentiality in a situation that is unprecedented."
Two manufacturers that have received FDA authorization say their antigen tests are intended for patients with symptoms, calling into question how valuable the tests would be for broad screenings.
This article was published on Monday, August 24, 2020 in Kaiser Health News.
The Trump administration's latest effort to use COVID-19 rapid tests — touted by one senior official as a "turning point" in arresting the coronavirus's spread within nursing homes — is running into roadblocks likely to limit how widely they'll be used.
Federal officials are distributing point-of-care antigen tests — which are cheaper and faster than tests that must be run by a lab — to 14,000 nursing homes to increase routine screening of residents and staff. The initial distribution targets nursing homes in hot spots and those with at least three COVID-19 cases, senior Trump administration officials said in July, hailing it as a tool that could root out asymptomatic carriers who might still infect others.
But there's a hitch: Two manufacturers that have received Food and Drug Administration authorization and whose instruments are being delivered — Becton, Dickinson and Co., known as BD, and Quidel — say their antigen tests are intended for patients with symptoms, calling into question how valuable the tests would be for broad screening purposes. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention estimates40% of infected people may be asymptomatic.
"It's important always to use a diagnostic in the way that it has been designed to be used," said Elizabeth Talbot, New Hampshire's deputy state epidemiologist. "We simply don't know how [the tests] will perform in persons who are asymptomatic."
Perhaps the highest-profile example of the problem occurred in Ohio this month, when Gov. Mike DeWine had no symptoms and tested positive for COVID-19 with Quidel's antigen test. Within hours, the Republican governor's diagnosis was reversed after he got a PCR test.
"People should not take away from my experience that testing is not reliable or doesn't work," DeWine said on CNN after his false-positive diagnosis. "The antigen tests are fairly new," he said. "We're going to be very careful in how we use it."
The bigger problem is false-negative results, which show someone isn't infected when they actually are. BD's false-negative rate — how often a test incorrectly says someone isn't infected — is about 15%; Quidel's is 3%.
Quidel and BD say their tests are intended to be used for people within the first five days of showing symptoms. A spokesperson for BD said its test should not be used on asymptomatic individuals. Quidel through a spokesperson deferred to FDA guidelines, which allow asymptomatic testing in certain scenarios.
"For routine surveillance, this is a great tool and these are our best tools that we have available," said Adm. Brett Giroir, assistant secretary for health at the Department of Health and Human Services, on a July call with nursing home officials, according to a recording obtained by KHN. Seema Verma, the administrator of the federal Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, on the call referred to the effort as a "turning point" in the fight against the virus.
A month after the initial announcement, the Trump administration invoked the Defense Production Act to bump its contracts with the two companies to the front of the line and expedite shipments. BD will send roughly 11,000 devices and 3.75 million tests to nursing homes; Quidel and HHS declined to answer questions about its volume.
As states and the federal government move to mandate COVID testing inside nursing homes, whose patients are deemed highly vulnerable to infection and severe complications, several industry officials have said they hoped to use the tests on asymptomatic people. But many states restrict the use of antigen tests or still require lab-based testing because of accuracy concerns.
If a person with a negative test result has to default to getting a more accurate PCR test, "then we simply have just added time and cost," Talbot said. "That's a problem."
Officials said the antigen test announcement caught them by surprise, underscoring the administration's chaotic testing strategy. Separate from the federal effort, 10 states have banded together through the Rockefeller Foundation to secure 5 million tests from the two companies in hopes of curbing the virus's spread this fall.
After nursing homes receive an initial batch of tests — each facility gets between 150 and 900 — they would have to buy future supplies. Medicare will cover the costs of diagnostic tests but not expenses for routine surveillance.
"I just have a lot of skepticism," said Brendan Williams, president of the New Hampshire Healthcare Association, which represents nursing homes and assisted living facilities in the state. "Basically you're giving some lousy tests for nursing homes and you're making them pay for them. I don't see that as a win; I see that as a risk."
Public health experts have become increasingly vocal that frequent rapid testing is the best tool for stopping the virus — which has killed more than 174,000 Americans including tens of thousands in nursing care — rather than relying on more accurate lab-based tests that have been plagued by delays and shortages. In a call this month with the industry, Verma estimated that half of the country's nursing homes have experienced cases.
"I don't see an avenue where these will not help to stop transmission chains, and I don't see another option on the table for us," said Dr. Michael Mina, an assistant professor of epidemiology at the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health and a proponent of rapid tests. "It is what we need to be doing right now."
"This is better for the folks in our buildings, without a doubt," added Jason Belden, director of emergency preparedness and physical plant services for the California Association of Health Facilities.
In theory, antigen tests can serve dual purposes — diagnosing a person with a suspected infection or screening a group of people to more quickly identify sick individuals. The tests by Quidel and BD, under their FDA authorizations, can be used on certain asymptomatic individuals, including those suspected of having COVID-19 after exposure to an infected person. The companies would need additional FDA authorization to screen any asymptomatic person regardless of whether they're suspected of being sick, according to agency guidelines.
The CDC has suggested antigen tests could be useful in high-risk settings if performed repeatedly. It said there was limited data to guide using them to screen asymptomatic people.
Nonetheless, HHS recommends universal screening of nursing home residents at least once and regular screening of staff regardless of symptoms, said agency spokesperson Mia Heck, citing the fact that COVID-19 viral loads are similar between patients with and without symptoms. "Only one test in the U.S. is authorized for asymptomatic individuals," she said, referring to a PCR test from LabCorp, "yet the overwhelming majority of testing is being done on asymptomatic individuals."
"If the world were ideal we'd say, 'Oh, we want the more accurate test.' But the more accurate test takes forever to get the results back," said Peter Van Runkle, executive director of the Ohio Healthcare Association, which represents the state's nursing homes.
All targeted nursing homes will receive tests by the end of September, according to federal officials, who recently announced that facilities in states with a positivity rate of at least 5% must test staff each week.
"I don't see this as a federal strategy so much as a stopgap method to bring a little relief to nursing homes," said Katie Smith Sloan, president of LeadingAge, which represents nonprofit nursing homes. "It's really tragic that we are where we are right now."
Boosted by $71 million in federal funds for Quidel and $24.3 million for BD, Quidel plans to produce 1.8 million tests weekly by September; BD will produce similar volumes by October.
"The situation is much too urgent to wait a few months so we can put bows and lipstick on the program. So we're going to build this plane a little bit while we're flying it," Giroir told nursing homes in July. "Just work with us. We want to get you what you need. And then in September, October you can get what you want."
States take different approaches in deploying antigen tests in nursing homes; in at least seven — including California, Illinois and Maryland — officials say PCR tests should still be used to confirm results or to screen patients without symptoms. In Massachusetts, nursing homes must use PCR tests to meet surveillance requirements.
In Maryland, "our goal is to screen out staff who are positive as quickly as possible, particularly asymptomatic folks," said Dennis Schrader, chief operating officer of the health department.
Maryland nursing homes can use antigen tests for weekly staff testing if there isn't an outbreak. But if at least one person tests positive for the coronavirus, all staff and residents must be tested with PCR tests.
JACKSONVILLE, Fla. — On a sweltering July morning, Rose Wilson struggled to breathe as she sat in her bed, the light from her computer illuminating her face and the oxygen tubes in her nose.
Wilson, a retiree who worked as a public health department nurse supervisor in Duval County for 35 years, had just been diagnosed with COVID-19-induced pneumonia. She had a telemedicine appointment with her doctor.
Staring back from her screen was Dr. Rogers Cain, who runs a tidy little family medical clinic a couple of blocks from the Trout River in north Jacksonville, a predominantly Black area where the coronavirus is running roughshod. Wilson, 81, was one of Cain's patients who'd tested positive — he had seven other COVID patients that morning before noon. Three of her grown children had contracted the virus, too.
"It started as a drip, drip, drip in May," said Cain, his voice muffled by his mask. "Now it's more like a faucet running."
Cain and Wilson are nervous. Over the past two decades, both watched as the county health department was gutted of money and people, hampering Duval's ability to respond to outbreaks, including a small cluster of tuberculosis cases in 2012. And now they face the menace of COVID-19 in a city once slated to host this week's Republican National Convention, in one of the states leading the latest U.S. surge.
Florida is both a microcosm and a cautionary tale for America. As the nation starved the public health system intended to protect communities against disease, staffing and funding fell faster and further in the Sunshine State, leaving it especially unprepared for the worst health crisis in a century.
Although Florida's population grew by 2.4 million since 2010 to make it the nation's third-most-populous state, a joint investigation by KHN and The Associated Press has found, the state slashed its local health departments' staffing — from 12,422 full-time equivalent workers to 9,125 in 2019, the latest data available.
According to an analysis of state data, the state-run local health departments spent 41% less per resident in 2019 than in 2010, dropping from $57 to $34 after adjusting for inflation. Departments nationwide have also cut spending, but by less than half as much ― an average of 18%, according to data from the National Association of County and City Health Officials.
Even before the pandemic hit, that meant fewer investigators to track, trace and contain diseases such as hepatitis. It meant fewer public health nurses to teach people how to protect themselves from HIV/AIDS or the flu. When the wave of COVID-19 inundated Florida, the state was caught flat-footed when it mattered most, its main lines of defense eviscerated.
Now, confirmed cases have soared past 588,000 and deaths have risen to more than 10,000. Concerns over the virus prompted Republicans to cancel plans for an in-person convention in Jacksonville, opting for a pared-down version in North Carolina.
Health experts blame the funding cuts on the Great Recession and choices by a series of governors who wanted to move publicly funded state services to for-profit companies.
And when the pandemic took hold, they say, residents got mixed messages about prevention strategies like wearing masks from Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis and other political leaders. Voices within the health departments were muzzled.
"The reality, unfortunately, is people are going to die because of the irresponsibility of the decisions being made by the people crafting the budgets," said Ron Bialek, president of the Public Health Foundation, a nonprofit in Washington, D.C., offering tools and training. "Public health can't help us get out of this situation without our elected officials giving us the resources."
State officials neither answered specific, repeated questions from KHN and The Associated Press about changes in public health funding, nor made staffers available for deeper explanations.
Dr. Leslie Beitsch, a former deputy secretary of Florida's state health department, said failing to prepare for a foreseeable disaster "is governmental malpractice." The nation's pandemic response is only as good as the weakest link, he said. Since the virus respects no borders, other states feel the ripples of Florida's failings.
Those failings are clear in Duval County, which had employed the equivalent of 852 full-time workers and spent $91 per person in 2008 but in 2019 had only 422 workers and spent just $34 per resident, according to the KHN-AP analysis of state data. That's less than the typical list price of a single COVID test. Former county health director Dr. Jeff Goldhagen said the county's team has been "dismantled to the extent that it could not really manage an outbreak."
Yet it must.
Cain's private north Jacksonville medical clinic alone has had about 60 confirmed COVID cases and eight deaths. "We are all on fire right now," he said. "You have to have a fire department that is adequately equipped to put out the fire. "
Dwindling Budgets
Florida faced similar shortcomings around the time of the last great pandemic, the 1918 flu. Back then, according to a 1924 state report, public health workers faced too many demands and their efforts were "to some extent scattered and transitory." The state could have used at least three more district health officers, the report said: "It is a source of regret and a matter of grave concern to public health workers that the funds available are not sufficient."
County-based health departments began in 1930, providing more robust services closer to home. About 50 years later, legislation created state-administered primary care programs in which county health departments provided low-income Floridians with the type of basic healthcare and treatment most people now get at private doctors' offices.
The 1990s saw a move toward privatization, particularly as Medicaid managed care took hold, said a 2004 paper in the Florida Public Health Review. Still, per-person spending on local public health rose until the late 1990s, when adjusted for inflation to 2019 dollars, peaking at $59.
Wilson, the retired public health nurse stricken with COVID-19, recalled how Duval County's department started feeling the financial pain during former Republican Gov. Jeb Bush's administration in the early 2000s and kept losing nurses and other staff until they were "very, very short."
Beitsch, who worked for the state health department in the 1990s, said the downward trend continued under former Republican governors Charlie Crist and Rick Scott, fueled by a growing belief in shrinking government that flourished in many states. Florida's leaders exerted more control over public health, Beitsch said, and "the amount of local autonomy has been diminishing with successive administrations."
The recession that began in late 2007 sparked public health reductions across the nation that were especially harsh in Florida. By 2011, budget cuts and lack of money were the most frequently cited challenges in a Florida public health workforce survey, which pointed to growing needs. In the following years, the state had some of the nation's highest rates of heart disease and diabetes.
Squeezed departments struggled and sometimes stumbled. A reportfrom the state health department's inspector general for the 2018-19 fiscal year, for example, found a series of lost and inconsistent shipments of lab specimens from county health departments to the state lab — not long before the pandemic would make labs more important than ever.
As governor, Scott presided over the state from 2011 to 2019, when funding and staffing dropped most. Now a U.S. senator, he said through a spokesperson that he was unapologetic for health department cuts, which he characterized as a move toward "making government more efficient" without endangering public health.
"I'm sure that he had no problem with the cuts that were being made," said Patrick Bernet, an associate professor in health administration at Florida Atlantic University. "To put it all on him is not fair because a bunch of little henchmen from the counties had to vote that way. … We keep voting in people who undervalue public health."
Democratic state Sen. Janet Cruz, a legislator who has represented the Tampa region for a dozen years and sat on healthcare committees, said she watched lawmakers systematically cut money for health departments. When she questioned it, she said, some colleagues claimed the need wasn't as great because the state was moving toward private family healthcare centers. "Public health in Florida has been wholly underfunded," she said.
Some places have suffered more than others. Departments serving at least half a million residents spent $29 per person in 2019 on average, compared with $90 per person in departments serving 50,000 or fewer — a difference starker than the typical gap between larger and smaller departments nationally, according to an KHN-AP analysis. Experts can't say exactly why the gap is wider in Florida, which has a state-run system, but point to politics and historical decisions about budgets.
Duval County's health department spending was the equivalent of $34 per person, down 63% since 2008. Typically, about 22 workers, or 5% of the total staff, have been dedicated to preparing for and tracking disease outbreaks.
But when the pandemic hit, many there and elsewhere were diverted to fight the coronavirus, leaving little time for their typical duties such as mosquito abatement and tracking sexually transmitted infections such as syphilis.
"Current events demonstrate how bad a decision" the deep cuts to public health were, said Dr. Marissa Levine, a professor of public health and family medicine at the University of South Florida. "It's really come back to haunt us."
Mixed and Muzzled Messages
The pandemic caught fire in Florida this summer as the state's rapid reopening allowed people to flock to beaches, Disney World, movie theaters and bars.
The state has had more than half a million confirmed cases ― among them, players and workers for baseball's Miami Marlins ― and 35,000 hospitalizations, yet DeSantis still hasn't issued a mask mandate. Some local governments have. Jacksonville adopted one in late June, and about a week later Republican Mayor Lenny Curry announced he and his family were self-quarantining because he'd been exposed to someone who tested positive for the virus.
Chad Neilsen, director of infection prevention at the University of Florida-Jacksonville, lauded the mayor for the mask requirement, saying, "We know that masking works." But he pointed out that other counties have different rules and that the inconsistent messaging breeds confusion.
St. Johns County began requiring masks in late July but only in county facilities. And DeSantis has appeared in public without a mask numerous times, including at an Aug. 13 coronavirus update briefing during which some other speakers wore them.
"One voice is so critical during a pandemic," said Dr. Jonathan Kantor, a Jacksonville epidemiologist and dermatologist. "We have to have one voice, and consistent leadership that is modeling behavior if we want to get people to change their behaviors."
Instead, experts in Florida said, public health workers have been silenced or told by top state officials what to say. For example, The Palm Beach Post reported that state leaders told school boards they needed health department approval to keep schools closed, then instructed health directors not to give it.
"All the communication is directed by the state, and localities are very limited in what they can do," said Levine, the University of South Florida professor. "Anything to do with a mandate, there's resistance to do at a state level. This includes the hot debate on masks. The locals have to extend the state messaging." Local health officials "are being told bluntly: 'Shut up,'" Bernet said. "They literally cannot speak."
Beitsch, who now chairs the department of behavioral sciences and social medicine at Florida State University, said such limitations ― and similar mixed messages and silencing of medical experts at the national level ― fuels the politicization of public health and undermining of science.
"People think they should be listening to politicians and state legislative leaders about their healthcare. They're not listening to health experts and the epidemiologists who say if you just wear a mask and if you just wash your hands, we can really, really reduce the spread of the virus," said Cruz, the state senator. "People are confused, and they think this is a hoax and it's nothing more than the flu."
Meanwhile, the COVID caseload continues to rise, surpassing 25,000 in Duval County, with minorities stricken disproportionately, as elsewhere in the nation. In a county that's 29% Black and 60% white, Black residents with COVID have been hospitalized at more than double the rate of white residents. Rates are also high for Floridians grouped together as "other," including Native American, Asian and multiracial residents.
Duval County's overall caseload is rising so fast that Goldhagen, the former health department director, said the agency has given up on contact tracing, which means trying to curb the virus by identifying and warning people who have been exposed.
"It's impossible," Goldhagen said. "Dismantling the system was a complete disregard for the health and well-being of the citizens of Florida."
With an unequipped public health system, Wilson, the retired public health nurse, said it falls to everyone to lead Jacksonville, and Florida, out of the coronavirus crisis.
"My hope is that everybody begins to take this virus seriously, and wear their mask and stay social distancing. It can work if we do that," said Wilson, whose condition has improved. "So, that's my hope. Eventually there will be a vaccine that will curtail this virus. But until then, it's up to us to help do that. And if we're not serious about it, then we're doomed."
This story is a collaboration between KHN and The Associated Press.
Methodology
Spending and staffing data for Florida's local health departments is from the Florida Department of Health. Florida Atlantic University professor Patrick Bernet provided additional state data on staffing by program area. KHN-AP adjusted spending data for inflation using the Bureau of Economic Analysis' state and local government deflator.
COVID-19 data by race is from the Florida Department of Health. KHN-AP calculated rates per 10,000 people using data on race, regardless of ethnicity, from the U.S. Census Bureau's 2018 American Community Survey. Statewide COVID-19 cases per day are from Johns Hopkins University.
Inspired to help during the COVID pandemic, a volunteer SWAT team of engineering and medical talent combines old-fashioned problem-solving and advanced 3D printing — but will it actually help?
This article was first published on Monday, August 24, 2020 in Kaiser Health News.
As the coronavirus crisis lit up this spring, headlines about how the U.S. could innovate its way out of a pending ventilator shortage landed almost as hard and fast as the pandemic itself.
The New Yorker featured "The MacGyvers Taking on the Ventilator Shortage," an effort initiated not by a doctor or engineer but a blockchain activist. The University of Minnesota created a cheap ventilator called the Coventor; MIT had the MIT Emergency Ventilator; Rice University, the ApolloBVM. NASA created the VITAL, and a fitness monitor company got in the game with Fitbit Flow. The price tags varied from $150 for the Coventor to $10,000 for the Fitbit Flow — all significantly less than premium commercially available hospital ventilators, which can run $50,000 apiece.
Around the same time, C. Nataraj, a Villanova College of Engineering professor, was hearing from front-line doctors at Philadelphia hospitals fearful of running out of ventilators for COVID-19 patients. Compelled to help, Nataraj put together a volunteer SWAT team of engineering and medical talent to invent the ideal emergency ventilator. The goal: build something that could operate with at least 80% of the function of a typical hospital ventilator, but at 20% or less of the cost.
For decades, Nataraj has worked on medical projects — like finding a better way to diagnose a potentially deadly brain injury in premature infants — primarily with doctors at Children's Hospital of Philadelphia and the Geisinger Health system in rural Pennsylvania, so key clinical players came together swiftly. By March 23, he had approached engineering faculty about collaborating on a monthslong effort to build the NovaVent, a basic, low-cost ventilator with parts that cost about $500. The schematics would be open-sourced, so others could use them free of charge to mass-manufacture the device.
The New Yorker wasn't alone in referencing the '80s TV series "MacGyver," whose protagonist was a Swiss Army knife-carrying secret agent who got the job done with wits and whatever was at hand. The suggestion was that these ventilators were simple enough to throw together with parts from a medical supply closet or your neighborhood hardware store. "Everybody can make it," one headline read, enticingly. These miracle machines, the thinking went, could be helpful in U.S. hospitals facing critical shortages, perhaps in cities surging with sick patients.
To understand the potential utility and true costs of these emergency ventilators, KHN followed Villanova's team for three months as it developed, tested and prepared to submit the NovaVent for Food and Drug Administration approval.
The team tapped a maker of car parts, along with roboticists. It gathered input from anesthesiologists as well as electrical, mechanical, fluid systems and computer engineers. It tapped nurses to help ensure that users would immediately know how to operate the ventilator. Local manufacturers 3D-printed pieces of the machine.
Nataraj and his team realized that some of the other ultra-bare-bones machines wouldn't meet the standards of the modern U.S. healthcare system. But they also believed there was a lot of room for Villanova's team to innovate between those and the high-end, expensive devices from corporations like Philips or Medtronic.
One thing is clear: The $500 ventilator is something of a unicorn.
While the parts for the NovaVent cost about that much, the brainpower and people hours added uncounted value. In the early phases, the core group — all volunteers — worked 20 to 25 hours a week, Nataraj said, mainly via Zoom calls from home on top of their day jobs.
Teams of two or three were allowed into the lab to work — virtually the only people on campus. The effort, after all, was in line with the university's Augustinian mission, which values the pursuit of knowledge, stewardship and community over the individual.
By the time they realized what they could achieve with the $500 model, the first wave of crisis had passed. Yet in those weeks, an alarm resounded across the land about the dismal state of America's public health system.
So the NovaVent mission pivoted: build better low-cost vents for hospitals in poor and rural U.S. communities that have few, if any, ventilators.
One immediate legacy of the innovation happening at Villanova and elsewhere is the public-spirited nature of the effort, said Dr. Julian Goldman, an anesthesiologist at Massachusetts General Hospital who helps set standards for medical devices: "People from different walks of life in terms of their skills — engineers, clinicians, pure scientists — all thinking and working to try to figure out how to move very quickly to solve a national emergency with many dimensions: How do we make the patient safer? How do we make the caregiver safer? How do we deal with supply chain limitations?"
From other ventures, new designs have already been used as a jumping-off point to build emergency ventilators overseas. They've also bolstered New York City's stockpile and could add to state and national reserves as well.
The early, urgent concerns about a looming ventilator shortage were well founded: On March 13, the U.S. had about 200,000 ventilators, according to the Society of Critical Care Medicine. But because of the surge of COVID patients, it was predicted the country could soon need as many as 960,000.
In early April, New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo said the state would run out of ventilators in six days, leaving doctors with the sort of grim calculation they'd heard about fromhard-hit northern Italy: "If a person comes in and needs a ventilator and you don't have a ventilator, the person dies."
In Philadelphia, 12 miles east of Villanova, hospital administratorsbraced for shortages and reported short supplies of the drugs required to sedate patients on ventilators.
President Donald Trump invoked the Defense Production Act to get major manufacturers to make ventilators, though GM was already working on it. When GM signed a $500 million contract to deliver 30,000 ventilators to the U.S. government by August, the NovaVent team wondered whether its own efforts would be futile.
"We said, 'Well, GM is making it. Why are we making it?'" Nataraj said. "But there was a lot of uncertainty with the epidemiological models. We didn't know how bad it was going to get. Or [the curve] could completely collapse and there'd be no need at all."
And for a few weeks, it did seem the worst was over. The rate of new cases began to slow in the nation's early epicenters. Hot spots flared in nearly every pocket of the country, but those too were mostly contained.
People spilled back into normal life, gathering in backyards, beaches and bars. In June, news coverage moved on to the calls for racial justice and mass protests after the videotaped killing of George Floyd in the custody of Minneapolis police.
In the background, the highly contagious coronavirus tore across the South, through Florida, Georgia, Texas and Arizona, and surged in California. Some states reported ICU beds were quickly at or above capacity. This mercurial virus had proved uncontrollable, and the prospect of ventilator shortages had bubbled up once again.
Past pandemics have been mothers of innovation. Progress in mechanical ventilation began in earnest after a 1952 polio outbreak in Copenhagen, Denmark. According to the American Journal of Respiratory and Critical Care Medicine, 50 patients a day arrived at the Blegdams Infectious Disease Hospital. Many had paralyzed respiratory muscles; nearly 90% died.
An anesthesiologist at the hospital realized patients were dying from respiratory failure rather than renal failure, as was previously believed, and recommended forcing oxygen into the lungs of patients. This worked — mortality dropped to 40%. But one big problem remained: Patients had to be "hand-bagged," with more than 1,500 medical students squeezing resuscitator bags for 165,000 total hours.
"They'd recruit nurses and medical students to stand there and squeeze a bag," says Dr. S. Mark Poler, a Geisinger Health system anesthesiologist on the NovaVent team. "Sometimes they were just so exhausted that they would fall asleep and stop ventilating. It was obviously a catastrophe, so that was the motivation for creating mechanical ventilators."
The first ones were simple machines, much like the basic emergency-use ventilators created during the COVID crisis. But those came with hazards such as damaging the lungs by forcing in too much air. More sophisticated machines would deliver better control. These engineering marvels — the monitors, the different modes of ventilation, the slick touch-screen controls designed to minimize the risk of injury or error — improved patient treatment but also drove costs sky-high.
The emergency ventilators of 2020 focused on models that, typically, used an Ambu bag and some sort of mechanical "arm" to squeeze it. Most people are familiar with Ambu bags from scenes in TV programs like "ER" where paramedics compress the manual resuscitator bags to help patients breathe as they're rushed inside from an ambulance. The bags are already widely available in hospitals, cost $30 to $40 and are FDA-approved.
But making machines that are that simple could render them effectively useless (or, worse, dangerous). Medical experts watching university and hospital teams coalesce across the country this spring to develop low-cost emergency ventilators took notice — and worried.
Goldman, the Massachusetts General anesthesiologist, was among the medical experts nervous about all the slapped-together ventilators.
"We had the maker community being stood up very quickly, but they don't know what they don't know," said Goldman, chair of the COVID-19 working group for the Association for the Advancement of Medical Instrumentation, the primary source of standards for the medical device industry. "There were videos of harebrained ideas for building ventilators online by people who don't know any better, and we were very concerned about that."
The general public doesn't really understand the nuances required to build a safe medical device, Goldman said.
"They look at something and think, well, this can't be that hard to build. It just blows air," he said. "'I'll take a vacuum cleaner and turn it on reverse. … It's a ventilator!'"
AAMI wanted to encourage innovation, but also safety. So Goldman assembled a meeting of 38 engineers, regulators and clinicians to quickly write boiled-down guidelines for emergency-use ventilators.
The simplest ventilators were based on the idea of a piston in a car engine, Poler said: Put a piston on a crankshaft, hook it up to a motor and use a paddle or "arm" to compress the Ambu bag.
"It's better than no ventilator at all, but it goes at one speed. It doesn't really have any controls," Poler said — not ideal when patients need to be monitored for changes in how their lungs are responding, or not, to treatment.
Villanova's team of engineers, doctors and nurses realized that the simplest ventilators, the ones that AAMI was concerned about, seemed to ignore some basic, practical considerations: What sort of hospitals would these be used in, and under what conditions? What sorts of patients would be put on these ventilators? For how long? Would they be used as backups for higher-end ventilators? What about error alarms?
All good questions, Poler said, but the answer to all of them essentially is "we hope to never use these."
Their best use? "A surge situation where you simply don't have enough of the sophisticated ventilators."
Rather than go totally bare-bones, the Villanova team designed the devices as though they would one day be deployed in modern healthcare.
Flow sensors, which monitor patient ventilation, cost several hundred dollars, so the team designed its own in the lab and 3D-printed it at a cost of 50 cents, Nataraj said, enabled by strides in 3D-printing technology that have vastly cut the price of so many devices. Southco, a Pennsylvania-based global manufacturer that makes parts like the latch on your car's glove box, was tapped to use its 3D printers to make airflow tubes and couplings for the ventilator.
Garrett Clayton, director of Villanova's Center for Nonlinear Dynamics and Control, was the day-to-day keeper of the prototype. He was particularly excited about the addition of a handle, which made it easier for him, and eventually others, to lug the 20-pound device from the lab to home and back.
Clayton's computerized control system measures the flow rate of air going into the patient and converts it into volume, much as commercial ventilators do. That controls how hard and fast the Ambu bag is squeezed; it's made of a hobby-grade Arduino microcontroller board. A direct-current motor attached to a linear actuator with a fist-shaped piece of PVC on the end pushes the bag in and out. The operator of the ventilator can control the respiratory rate (the number of breaths per minute), as well as the ratio between inspiration and expiration and the volume of air going in.
While traditional ventilators have many control methods, Clayton's team focused on just one: how much volume is forced into the airway. "We have a set point so we don't damage the lung," he said.
Polly Tremoulet, a research psychologist and human factors consultant for ECRIand Children's Hospital of Philadelphia, was pulled in to focus on error messages and make sure the ventilators' buttons and displays "spoke the user's language," whether that user was an anesthesiologist in New Jersey or a nurse in India pulled into an ICU COVID ward.
Graduate student Emily Hylton and other nursing students were brought in to provide feedback about using the NovaVent and ask questions such as: Would all the controls and monitors look familiar to nurses at the bedside?
The very prospect of these low-cost devices is relatively new, Nataraj said, because of the price of microcontrollers with any real capacity: "Twenty years ago, they cost, oh gosh, $20,000 — and now they're $20."
By May 30, the first NovaVent prototype was complete. It was successfully tested on an artificial lung at Children's Hospital of Philadelphia on June 12. Villanova has applied for a patent for the NovaVent, to help ensure it won't be commercialized by others.
"If you make it free without having a patent, other people can take it and charge for it," Clayton said. "A patent protects the open-source nature of it."
Once a provisional patent is received, the team will submit the ventilator for Emergency Use Authorization from the FDA — hewing to the guidelines set up by AAMI.
Within weeks of kicking off the NovaVent project, the curve in the East Coast had indeed flattened, and states had enough standard ventilators to treat every patient. The life-threatening ventilator shortage had not materialized. Some of the emergency-use ventilators based on designs by other teams, like the one at MIT, did go into production — but even those didn't end up in hospitals, and instead went into city stockpiles meant to reduce potential future reliance on the federal government. So the Villanova team seized on a new, global mission.
"We thought if it wasn't useful in the U.S. market," Nataraj said, "we know the developing world, especially sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America and Central America, they don't have the same kind of facilities that we do here."
Where the ventilators might end up remains to be seen. Early on, Pennsylvania showed interest in helping Villanova find manufacturing partners. The team has spoken with engineers in India, Cambodia and Sudan (which reportedly has only 80 ventilators in the entire country) who are interested in possibly finding a way to manufacture the NovaVent.
Six thousand emergency ventilators based on the design by the University of Minnesota have been manufactured in the U.S., according to Dr. Stephen Richardson, a cardiac anesthesiologist who worked on that project. Three thousand were made by North Dakota aviation and agricultural manufacturer Appareo for state emergency stockpiles in North Dakota and South Dakota. UnitedHealth Group provided $3 million in funding to manufacture another 3,000 units made by Boston Scientific, which were donated to countries like Peru and Honduras through U.S. organizations; others were sent to the U.S. government.
Like the Villanova team, Richardson said he thinks the most promising potential for these ventilators is in developing countries.
"When we were arranging to get these donated to Honduras, we were speaking with a physician who was telling me that [at] his hospital right now, the med students are just hand-ventilating patients. For everything, and for COVID specifically," Richardson said. "Right now, in Pakistan or in any low-resource country, a family member is hand-ventilating a toddler. Before COVID and after COVID, this is a problem."
For Poler, the project was a reminder that the country needs to tend to its stockpiles. "People were thinking about [ventilator reserves] in the '90s, and then they basically quit thinking about it," he said. "COVID is a shocking reminder that we shouldn't have stopped thinking about it."
Goldman said the national efforts may not result in a flood of cheap ventilators in U.S. hospitals. International use could also be tricky. In countries with few resources, even very low-cost ventilators may not be feasible because of lack of electricity or compressed oxygen, though there is "potentially a sweet spot of need and capability where these things could be deployed."
On the upside, he said, the pandemic kicked off a nearly unprecedented global engineering effort to share information and solve the problem.
"If there's going to be a magic bullet to come out of this, it's going to be the capability of our communities and our infrastructure," he said. "People stood up, put in the appropriate processes and spirit, worked hard, made it happen. We've added resilience to the healthcare sector. That's the outcome here."
As for the NovaVent, team members were relieved they didn't have to rush it into manufacturing as COVID-19 was ripping through the Northeast this spring, thanks to aggressive efforts to flatten the curve. "We ended up without a ventilator shortage, which is excellent," Clayton said. "But with the increase in cases now, it's very possible some of them may get used."
To build on the project, Villanova is raising money for a laboratory for affordable medical technologies called NovaMed. The lab formalizes the process of making inexpensive medical equipment that follows the 80-20 function-to-cost rule. The university says the lab is "motivated by the belief that income should not determine who has access to lifesaving care."
The effort to prevent a ventilator shortage, Nataraj said, made him think more critically about the American healthcare system overall.
"How come we haven't built the technology, the economic and social systems that are able to handle a situation like this — especially when something like this was predicted?" he said. "It's absolute nonsense. Why should a single person die because we weren't prepared?"
Even as his state is a hotbed for COVID-19, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis has been pushing schools to reopen so parents have the choice of sending children back to the classroom or keeping them home to learn virtually.
The Republican governor has said children without any underlying health conditions would benefit from in-person learning and the stimulation and companionship of being among other young people. He has also made clear that he thinks these benefits far outweigh what he considers to be minimal risks.
"The fact is, in terms of the risk to schoolkids, this is lower risk than seasonal influenza," DeSantis said, during an Aug. 10 televised roundtable discussion on education.
DeSantis' assertion got us wondering, so we asked the governor's office what evidence it had to back up the claim.
Looking at the Numbers
A spokesperson responded with data from the Florida Department of Health showing the state's COVID-19 mortality rate is 0.02% for people 24 and younger. That's the same as the influenza mortality rate for this age group.
But for children 14 and younger, the spokesperson said, Florida's COVID-19 mortality rate is 0.009%, far below the 0.01% for flu for that age group.
And the risk of death is not the only concern children face if infected by the COVID-19 virus. They can develop complications that require hospitalization.
"The risk of complications for healthy children is higher for flu compared to COVID-19," according to theCenters for Disease Control and Prevention. "However, infants and children with underlying medical conditions are at increased risk for both flu and COVID-19."
The CDC estimates there were 480 deaths among U.S. children due to flu in the 2018-19 season, including 136 cases in which the virus was confirmed by laboratory testing.
As of mid-August, 90 children died of COVID-19 in the United States, according to the American Academy of Pediatrics.
More than 46,000 children were hospitalized for flu in that 2018-19 period. The hospitalization rate among children 5 to 17 was 39.2 children per 100,000 children.
Thehospitalization rate for COVID-19 is six per 100,000 children for those ages 5 to 17, according to the CDC.
The number and rate of COVID cases in children in the United States steadily increased from March to July. "The true incidence of SARS-CoV-2 infection in children is not known due to lack of widespread testing and the prioritization of testing for adults and those with severe illness," the CDCwrote recently.
While children have lower rates of using a ventilator than adults, 1 in 3 children hospitalized with COVID-19 in the United States were admitted to the intensive care unit, the same rate as for adults, the CDC said.
Dr. Chad Vercio, chair of pediatrics at Riverside University Health System in California, said DeSantis' statement is partly true, with many caveats. Children's risk from COVID-19 "entirely depends on how widespread COVID is in any area," he said.
Data Reflects a Snapshot in Time
U.S. hospitalization rates for children with COVID are lower than for those with flu, Vercio said. But that could be due to parents keeping children home and schools being closed since March, he added. "It is unknown if these COVID hospitalization rates would rise when we open schools," he said.
About two-thirds of Florida school districts have opened in the past two weeks with the rest planning to resume by Aug. 31. Most districts are offering in-person classes while giving parents the option to keep students home for virtual learning. In South Florida, where the pandemic has hit hardest, districts are planning, at least initially, to offer only virtual teaching.
Hillsborough County, which includes Tampa, had initially planned to reopen classrooms but reversed itself after doctors warned that school closures were likely to ensue. The county revised its plan to limit classes to online-only instruction, but the state's education commissioner rejected that approach, saying it denies parents the option of sending their children back to school. Fearing the loss of millions of dollars in state funding, the district now plans to begin virtual learning for all students on Aug. 24, and, on Aug. 31, begin offering students the option to return to the classroom.
"The direct impact of COVID-19 on children is currently small in comparison with other risks and … the main reason we are keeping children at home is to protect adults," concluded a report in theBritish Medical Journal published in June. Still, health authorities say parents should make sure children practice good hygiene and limit playtime with other children.
Based on data from February through mid-May, the report found 44 deaths from COVID-19 for people 19 and younger in France, Germany, Italy, Korea, Spain, England and the United States. In a typical three-month period, there would be 308 deaths from lower respiratory tract infections, including flu, in those countries.
Sources
Email interview with Frederick Piccolo Jr., communications director for Gov. Ron DeSantis, Aug. 14, 2020
Email interview with Sunil Bhopal, academic clinical lecturer of Newcastle University in England, Aug. 14, 2020
Phone interview with Dr. Sean O'Leary, professor of pediatrics at the University of Colorado Anschutz Medical Campus, Aug. 11, 2020
Phone interview with Dr. Gabriela Andujar Vazquez, an infectious disease specialist at Tufts Medical Center, Aug. 12, 2020
Phone interview with Dr. Andrew Pavia, pediatric infectious disease specialist at the University of Utah Health and Intermountain Primary Children's Hospital, Aug. 13, 2020
Phone interview with Dr. Vidya Mony, an infectious disease expert with Santa Clara Valley Medical Center in San Jose, California, Aug. 14, 2020
"At this stage of the pandemic, COVID appears to be less dangerous for children than influenza," said Sunil Bhopal, a co-author of the report and an academic clinical lecturer at Newcastle University in England.
"We don't need to wait for a whole season because, even at its peak in most countries, COVID killed a smaller number of children than estimated influenza deaths averaged from across a year," Bhopal said.
"While flu is likely to have caused more deaths than COVID, this may change as the pandemic progresses and major caution is necessary to ensure this doesn't change," said Bhopal, an honorary assistant professor at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine.
Dr. Sean O'Leary, professor of pediatrics at the University of Colorado Anschutz Medical Campus, said the growing number of U.S. deaths could be another reason to think about COVID-19 and children.
"We do know for sure that schoolchildren are major drivers of influenza epidemics in the community and, though that is not as much the case with COVID, it doesn't mean they can't spread it," he said.
DeSantis also maintained that kids are less likely to spread COVID-19 than they are the influenza virus. However, experts cautioned that there's still a lot that is unknown about children's ability to transmit the virus to the people they interact with — parents, grandparents and even teachers. The perceived risk for teachers, for instance, is at the root of a lawsuit between the state's largest teachers union and the DeSantis administration. The Florida Education Association wants a Leon County judge to stop the state's order forcing school districts to open classrooms for in-person learning by the end of August.
Dr. Gabriela Andujar Vazquez, an infectious disease specialist at Tufts Medical Center in Boston, said children are more likely to have zero or mild symptoms from COVID-19 compared with adults.
"The bottom line is kids can get infected and they tend to have less severe disease," she said. But the concern over reopening school is that children could spread the disease to others, including adults who are more likely to develop complications.
"Because schools are tied to the community — they are not in a bubble — and if community spread is not controlled in the community, it's likely the school will reflect that," she said. One factor that can determine if the disease is out of control is if positivity rates for people getting tested for COVID are over 5%. Many Florida counties have been well above that mark since June, although the rates have been dropping this month.
Back-to-school risks will be handicapped based on the ability of the school to adopt physical distancing measures and enforce wearing of face masks, said Dr. Andrew Pavia, a pediatric infectious disease specialist at the University of Utah Health and Intermountain Primary Children's Hospital.
"This fall, we may see a lot of kids get infected as schools reopen, and those could be just the tip of the iceberg," he said. "Even though most kids have mild or asymptomatic cases, what I worry about is just how big is the tip of the iceberg," Pavia said.
He also noted there is a vaccine for flu — which about 50% to 70% of children receive. "The vaccine is not perfect but does reduce the impact of the disease, and with COVID everyone is at risk and susceptible," Pavia said.
Dr. Vidya Mony, an infectious disease expert with Santa Clara Valley Medical Center in San Jose, California, said data suggests COVID-19 is not as bad for children as flu and that children are not the main driver of the pandemic. But, she said, there isn't enough data yet to say indisputably that the COVID-19 risk is lower. "We are learning something every day with this."
Our Ruling
DeSantis said that COVID-19 is a lower risk for schoolchildren than is seasonal influenza.
Studies show the numbers of COVID-related deaths and hospitalizations among children are lower than the average rates for flu. Still, it's uncertain if these lower rates among children were partly because schools were closed since March and whether those rates will rise as classrooms reopen this fall. It's also unclear whether opening schools — particularly in communities with a high number of people testing positive — will lead to more spread of the disease.