Imagine a government program that would mobilize volunteers to help older adults across the nation age in place. One is on the way.
The Administration for Community Living, part of the Department of Health and Human Services, is taking steps to establish a National Volunteer Care Corps.
If it's successful, healthy retirees and young adults would take seniors to doctor appointments, shop for groceries, shovel snowy sidewalks, make a bed or mop the floor, or simply visit a few times a week.
Older adults would not only get a hand with household tasks, but also companionship and relief from social isolation. And family caregivers could get a break.
Younger volunteers might get class credit at a community college or small stipends. Older volunteers could enjoy a satisfying sense of purpose.
There's no question the need is enormous, as the ranks of the oldest Americans ― those age 85 and up, who tend to have multiple chronic illnesses and difficulty performing daily tasks ― are set to swell to 14.6 million in 2040, up from more than 6 million now.
Who will care for these seniors? More than 34 million unpaid family caregivers currently shoulder that responsibility, along with 3.3 million paid personal care and home health aides. (Medicare does not pay for long-term care services or non-medical services in the home.)
According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, more than 1.2 million new paid jobs of this kind will be needed by 2028. But filling them will be hard, given low pay, difficult work conditions, limited opportunities for professional advancement and high turnover.
This notion of a domestic Peace Corps for caregiving, if you will, has been circulating since2013, when it surfaced in a Twitter chat on elder care. In 2017and 2018, bills introduced in Congress proposed a demonstration project, unsuccessfully.
Now, four organizations will spearhead the Care Corps project: the Oasis Institute, which runs the nation's largest volunteer intergenerational tutoring program; the Caregiver Action Network; the National Association of Area Agencies on Aging; and the Altarum Institute, which works to improve care for vulnerable older adults.
The initial grant to the group is $3.8 million; total funding for the five-year project is expected to be $19 million, according to Greg Link, director of the ACL's office of supportive and caregiver services.
This fall, project leaders will invite organizations across the country to submit proposals to serve "non-medical" needs of older adults and younger adults with disabilities. Next spring, up to 30 organizations will get 18-month grants of $30,000 to $250,000, according to Juliet Simone, director of national health at the Oasis Institute.
The goal is to discover innovative, effective programs that offer services to diverse communities (geographic, racial and ethnic) and that can be replicated in multiple locations.
"We want the organizations that apply to be very flexible and creative," said Anne Montgomery, deputy director of Altarum's Program to Improve Eldercare. "And we're aiming to create a volunteer infrastructure that can last and be sustainable."
All volunteers will undergo background checks and training, and there will be an emphasis on evaluating program results.
"We want to be able to say, 'Here are the services that people really need, and these are the types of things that work well for specific populations,'" said John Schall, CEO of the Caregiver Action Network. Services could include preparing meals, taking seniors to church or home-based tech support for computer users, among many other possibilities.
Care Corps faces several challenges. A big one: The grant is tiny, compared with the trillions of dollars spent on health care. It could take a long time to build it into a national effort that attracts more investment.
Project leaders are optimistic. To nonprofit organizations working in the aging field, "it's a lot of money ― they can do quite a lot with these grants," said Sandy Markwood, CEO of the National Association of Area Agencies on Aging. Programs may find ways to license successful models, and local and national foundations may step in with additional support, Simone said.
Recruiting volunteers could be another challenge. At the Center for Volunteer Caregiving in Cary, N.C., which has been providing "friendly visiting," transportation and caregiver respite services for 27 years, "it's the biggest issue we face," said executive director Elaine Whitford.
Because her organization focuses on building relationships with seniors, it asks volunteers to commit to at least a year. "We get a lot of interest," Whitford said, "then people realize that this just isn't going to fit into their schedule."
Helen Anderson, 86, has sickle cell disease, lupus and chronic pain. She lives alone in a Cary apartment. Without help from the center's volunteers, three women and a man who've taken her shopping, cleaned her apartment and done her laundry since 2008, she said, "I could not live independently."
Scores of volunteer programs serving seniors and people with disabilities already exist, but most are small and many older adults and their families don't know about them. How they'll interact with the Care Corps is not yet clear.
One of the largest is Seniors Corps, run by the Corporation for National and Community Service. Through its Senior Companion program, volunteers age 55 and older visit needy older adults and help them with tasks such as shopping or paying bills. About 10,500 volunteers spend 15 to 20 hours a week, on average, serving 33,000 seniors through this program.
Recent research from Senior Corps demonstrates that volunteers receive benefits while giving to others ― a finding confirmed by a large body of research. After two years of service, 88% of Senior Corps volunteers reported feeling less isolated, while 78% said they felt less depressed.
To learn if Service Corps' companion program is available near you, use this new tool on its website. The group also offers less intensive services to 300,000 older adults and people with disabilities through its Retired Senior Volunteer Program.
To learn about other volunteer programs in your community, contact a local senior center, a nearby Area Agency on Aging or your county's department of aging, experts suggest. ACL's Eldercare Locator can help you identify these organizations.
Another source is the National Volunteer Caregiving Network, which lists about 700 programs, most of them church-based, on its website.
"Volunteer caregiving can make the difference between someone having quality of life and not having any at all," said Inez Russell, board chair of the organization. She's also the founder of Friends for Life, a Texas program that offers volunteer aid to seniors trying to live independently and that reaches out to seniors who don't have family members on birthdays and holidays, among other services. Altogether, the two programs reach about 4,000 people a year.
In Montpelier, Vt., Joan Black, who's 88 and lives alone in a one-bedroom apartment, has been a member of Onion River Exchange ― a time bank ― for 10 years. Onion River members contribute goods and services (a ride to the airport, a homemade casserole, a newly knit baby sweater) to the time bank and receive goods and services in exchange. For years, Black gave out information about the exchange at farmers markets and other community events ― her way of banking credits.
"It's a form of volunteerism that "creates a sense of community for many people," said Edisa Muller, chairwoman of the Onion River board.
For Black, who lives on a small fixed income and can't vacuum, scrub her tub, dust her wooden furniture or shovel the driveway that leads to her apartment, participating in the time bank has become a way to meet new people and remain integrated with the community.
"I like a tidy house: When things are out of order, I'm out or order," she said. "I don't believe I'd be able to do everything I do or live the way I do without their help."
Dean Ernest had been living in a nursing home about a year when his son, John, got a call last winter asking if his father was experiencing back pain and would like a free orthotic brace.
The caller said he was with Medicare. John Ernest didn't believe him, said "no" to the brace and hung up. He didn't give out his father's Medicare number.
And yet, not just one, but 13 braces arrived soon afterward at Ernest's house in central Pennsylvania.
Medicare, the federal taxpayer-supported health care insurance program for older Americans, had paid over $4,000 for 10 of the braces: a back brace, two knee braces, two arm braces, two suspension sleeves, an ankle brace, a wrist brace and a heel stabilizer.
The orders came from four medical equipment companies and were prescribed by four separate health care professionals — a prescription being required to receive an orthotic brace. But Ernest said he didn't talk to any doctors during the phone call.
That's how the latest Medicare frauds work, said Ariel Rabinovic, who works with Pennsylvania's Center for Advocacy for the Rights & Interests of the Elderly. He helped report Ernest's fraud case to authorities at Medicare. Rabinovic said the fraudsters enlist health professionals — doctors, physician assistants, nurse practitioners — to contact people they've never met by telephone or video chat under the guise of a telemedicine consultation.
"Sometimes the teledoctors will come on the line and ask real Mickey Mouse questions, stuff like, "Do you have any pain?" explained Rabinovic. "But oftentimes, there is no contact between the doctor and the patient before they get the braces. And in almost all of the cases, the person prescribing the braces is somebody the Medicare beneficiaries don't know."
While prescriptions for durable medical equipment, such as orthotic braces or wheelchairs, have long been a staple of Medicare fraud schemes, the manipulation of telemedicine is relatively new. The practice appears to be increasing as the telemedicine industry grows.
"This has put telemedicine scams on Medicare's radar with growing urgency," said James Quiggle, director of communications for the Coalition Against Insurance Fraud.
In the past year, the Department of Health and Human Services Office of Inspector General, the Department of Justice and, in some cases, the FBI, have busted at least five health care fraud schemes that involved telemedicine. Typically in these schemes, scammers use sham telemedicine companies to scale up their operations quickly and cheaply — they can have a couple of doctors remotely writing a large number of prescriptions.
Often the doctors working for these outfits don't perform medical consultations, but rather write prescriptions without talking to patients, as in Ernest's case. Of course, that is not how telemedicine is designed to work.
In April 2019, the DOJ announced investigators had disrupted what they called "one of the largest Medicare fraud schemes in U.S. history." Operation Brace Yourself cracked an international scheme allegedly defrauding Medicare of more than $1.2 billion by using telemedicine doctors to prescribe unnecessary back, shoulder, wrist and knee braces to beneficiaries.
The DOJ charged 24 people, including three medical professionals and the corporate executives of five telemedicine companies.
According to federal court documents, Willie McNeal of Spring Hill, Fla., owned two of the "purported" telemedicine companies, WebDoctors Plus and Integrated Support Plus.
Federal investigators allege that through Integrated Support Plus, McNeal hired and paid a New Jersey doctor, Joseph DeCorso, to write prescriptions for braces. DeCorso recently pleaded guilty to one count of conspiracy to commit health care fraud.
DeCorso admitted to writing medically unnecessary brace orders for telemedicine companies without speaking to beneficiaries or doing physical exams. He also admitted that his conduct resulted in a $13 million loss to Medicare. He has agreed to pay over $7 million in restitution to the federal government.
McNeal got the Medicare beneficiaries' information for DeCorso to write the prescriptions from telemarketing companies, according to the indictment. Then, authorities allege, McNeal sent the prescriptions back to the same telemarketing companies in exchange for payments described as kickbacks and bribes.
Federal investigators allege these telemarketing companies sold the prescriptions to the durable medical equipment companies, who in turn billed Medicare for the braces.
McNeal's lawyer said he could not discuss his client's case because it is pending. DeCorso's lawyer did not respond to multiple requests for comment.
The U.S. attorneys allege the money made from the scheme was hidden through international shell corporations and used to buy luxury real estate, exotic automobiles and yachts.
It's clearly a profitable business. Taxpayers are the ones who ultimately pay for Medicare fraud, which often leads to higher health care premiums and out-of-pocket costs.
Medicare spending on back, knee and ankle braces highlighted in the inspector general's investigationsincreased by over $200 million from 2013 to 2017, according to an analysis of Medicare data by Kaiser Health News. While the number of Medicare fee-for-service beneficiaries increased slightly, by 5%, from 2013 to 2017, spending on the three types of braces increased by 51% during that same period.
In an April news release about Operation Brace Yourself, Assistant Attorney General Brian Benczkowski of the DOJ's Criminal Division called the Medicare scheme "an expansive and sophisticated fraud to exploit telemedicine technology meant for patients otherwise unable to access health care."
Nathaniel Lacktman, a lawyer who represents telemedicine companies and organizations, was quick to point out that the industry does not recognize the fraudsters involved in these schemes as legitimate businesses.
"These are actually really sketchy online marketing companies participating in these schemes who are billing themselves as telemedicine," said Lacktman, who works in the Tampa office of the law firm Foley & Lardner. "But in fact, they're companies we've never heard of."
All of this comes at a time when Medicare and Medicare Advantage are expanding telemedicine, though the programs have been slower to adopt it than the private sector, said Laura Laemmle-Weidenfeld, a health care lawyer at the law firm Jones Day.
"I would hate for Medicare to fall even further behind with telehealth," said Laemmle-Weidenfeld, who previously worked in the Fraud Section of the DOJ's Civil Division. "The vast majority of telehealth providers are legitimate, but as with anything there are a few bad apples," she said.
Even with the recent federal busts, the scams continue.
Travis Trumitch, who works for the Illinois nonprofit AgeOptions, which helps report Medicare fraud in the state, said he received three voicemails over a recent weekend reporting suspected durable medical equipment scams.
John Ernest said he still receives calls every day with individuals on the line who say they work for Medicare and ask for Dean Ernest's information — though his father died in April.
But Ernest can't change his phone number because it's the main line associated with his painting business.
"It really drives me crazy," said Ernest. "How many people are they ripping off?"
KHN data editor Elizabeth Lucas contributed to this report.
SALINA, Kan. — The University of Kansas School of Medicine-Salina opened in 2011 — a one-building campus in the heart of wheat country dedicated to producing the rural doctors the country needs.
Now, eight years later, the school's first graduates are settling into their chosen practices — and locales. And those choices are cause for both hope and despair.
Of the eight graduates, just three chose to go where the shortages are most evident. Two went to small cities with populations of fewer than 50,000. And three chose the big cities of Topeka (estimated 2018 population: 125,904) and Wichita (389,255) instead.
Their decisions illustrate the challenges facing rural recruitment: the lack of small-town residencies, the preferences of spouses and the isolation that comes with practicing medicine on one's own.
But the mission is critical: About two-thirds of the primary care health professional shortage areas designated by the federal Health Resources and Services Administration in June were in rural or partially rural areas. And it's only getting worse.
So Salina's creation of a few rural physicians a year is a start, and, surprisingly, one of the country's most promising.
Only 40 out of the nation's more than 180 medical schools offer a rural track. The Association of American Medical Colleges ranked KU School of Medicine, which includes Salina, Wichita and Kansas City campuses, in the 96th percentile last year for producing doctors working in rural settings 10 to 15 years after graduation.
"The addition of one physician is huge," said Dr. William Cathcart-Rake, the founding dean of the Salina campus. "One physician choosing to come may be the difference of communities surviving or dissolving."
The Draw Of Rural Life
By placing the new campus in Salina (population: 46,716), surrounded by small towns for at least 50 miles in every direction, the university hoped to attract and foster students who had — and would deepen — a bond to rural communities.
And, for some, it worked out pretty much as planned.
One of the school's first graduates, Dr. Sara Ritterling Patry, lives in Hutchinson (population: 40,623). Less than an hour from Wichita, it isn't the most rural community, but it's small enough that she still runs into her patients at Dillons, the local grocery store.
"Just being in a smaller community like this feels like to me that I can actually get to know my patients and spend a little extra time with them," she said.
After all, part of the allure of a rural practice is providing care womb to tomb. The doctor learns how to deliver the town's babies, while serving as the county coroner and the public health expert all at once, said Dr. Robert Moser, the head of the University of Kansas School of Medicine-Salina and former head of the state health department.
He would know — he worked for 22 years in Tribune, Kan. (population: 742).
For another of the original Salina eight, Dr. Tyson Wisinger, that calling brought him back to his hometown of Phillipsburg (population: 2,486) after his residency. His kids will go to his old high school, where his graduating class was all of 13 people, and he'll take care of their baseball teammates. Plus, they'll grow up living minutes away from generations of extended family.
"I can't have imagined a situation that could have been more rewarding," Wisinger said.
The Rural Challenge
The Original Salina Eight
Three went the urban route:
Dr. Erik Dill decided to be a pathology specialist in more urban Wichita.
Dr. Claire Hinrichsen Groskurth, who intended to practice in a more rural area, is now in Wichita working as an OB-GYN.
Dr. Rany Gilpatrick wanted a more flexible, outpatient schedule as a pediatrician instead of the on-call in-patient life, so she works in Topeka.
Two work in smaller towns:
Dr. Sara Ritterling Patry practices internal medicine in Hutchinson, Kan., to help accommodate her husband's farming business.
And Dr. Kayla Johnson stayed in Salina as a pediatrician.
And the final three might as well be poster children for the movement:
Dr. Tyson Wisinger returned to his Kansas hometown of Phillipsburg to practice family medicine.
Drs. Daniel Linville and Jill Corpstein Linville married each other and were recruited to Lakin, Kan., by a rural practice to work in family medicine.
But the road to rural family medicine also includes a thing called "windshield time" — the amount of time needed to travel between clinics or head to the closest Walmart.
Then there's figuring out just how far their patients will need to drive to get to the nearest hospital — which for Drs. Daniel Linville and Jill Corpstein Linville is a solid four hours for more advanced care from their new practice in Lakin, Kan. (population: 2,195).
Their outpost in southwestern Kansas can feel a little bit like a fishbowl. "We do life with some of our patients," Corpstein Linville said.
Already, the Linvilles have delivered babies and handled a variety of ailments there.
The pair met and married during their four years in Salina — they jokingly call it a "full-service med school." They completed a family medicine residency in Muncie, Ind. Then they were recruited by a rural practice that helped them avoid what Moser calls the most dreaded words in rural medicine: "solo practice."
New doctors don't want to practice alone, especially as they develop their sea legs, due to the strains of constantly being on call and having singular responsibility for a town. Telemedicine, where doctors can easily consult with other physicians around the country via web video or phone, is helping, as are physician assistants.
Diverging From The Path
Dr. Claire Hinrichsen Groskurth, another member of the first graduating class, always intended to return to a small town similar to where she grew up.
"The first thing that threw me off was I fell in love with surgery and OB-GYN," she said. "Then the second thing that threw me off was marrying another doctor," whose life goals headed in a different direction.
She'd been a member of the Scholars in Rural Health program at Kansas University that seeks out rural college students who are interested in medicine. She also had committed to the Kansas Medical Student Loan program, which promises to forgive physicians' tuition and gives a monthly stipend if they agree to work in counties that need physicians, or in other critical capacities.
But when she realized she might specialize, she decided to take out federal loans for her final years. She had to pay back the first year of the special loan with 15% interest.
Plus, her now-husband, who went to Kansas University's Wichita campus, needed to be in a large enough city to accommodate further training to become a surgeon. So Hinrichsen Groskurth delivers babies as she thought she would — but in Wichita.
The spousal coin can flip both ways: Ritterling Patry needed to find a place that worked for her husband's farming of corn, sorghum, soybeans and wheat. So the smaller city of Hutchinson it was.
Flaws In The Pipeline
Most medical school students come from urban areas and are destined to stay there, said Alan Morgan, the head of the National Rural Health Association. Producing doctors for the vast swaths of rural America needs to be more of a priority at every step in the education pipeline, experts said.
Many academic centers sell students on the party line that they'll be overworked, underappreciated and underpaid, according to Dr. Mark Deutchman, director of the University of Colorado School of Medicine's rural program. "They take people who are interested in primary care or rural and beat it out of them throughout their training," he said.
And that kind of rhetoric often influences the opinion of their medical school peers, which those in rural health might resent.
"Small does not mean stupid," Moser said.
Medical students everywhere should be exposed to rural options, according to Dr. Randall Longenecker, who runs Ohio University Heritage College of Osteopathic Medicine's rural programs.
"If a medical student never ever goes to a rural place, they never find out," he said. "That's why students need to meet rural doctors who love what they do."
The federal government recently allocated $20 million in grants to help create 27 rural residency programs — programs where newly minted doctors go for practical training before they can be fully licensed. That's a big jump from the 92 programs now active.
For Jill Corpstein Linville, the pipeline also needs to start at more schools like Salina that are promoting rural medicine from Day One.
"So when you hear rural medicine, you know that it's a thing and don't kind of cringe," she said. "You don't think it's someone taking care of a cow."
Millions of older adults can start signing up next week for private policies offering Medicare drug and medical coverage for 2020. But many risk wasting money and even jeopardizing their health care due to changes in Medicare's plan finder, its most popular website.
For more than a decade, beneficiaries used the plan finder to compare dozens of Medicare policies offered by competing insurance companies and get a list of their options. Yet after a website redesign six weeks ago, the search results are missing crucial details: How much will you pay out-of-pocket? And which plan offers the best value?
That's because the plan finder can no longer add up and sort through the prescription costs plus monthly premiums and any deductibles for all those plans. A mere human can try, but it is a cumbersome process fraught with pitfalls. One plan might have the lowest premium but not the lowest drug prices. Another could exclude a plan's preferred pharmacy that offers lower prescription prices.
"We can't guarantee you that you're going to be in the best plan or the cheapest plan anymore," said Howard Houghton, the former Fairfax County coordinator for the Virginia Insurance Counseling and Assistance Program who still helps with enrollment as a volunteer.
Using the old plan finder produced big savings. Counselors at Passages, the Senior Health Insurance Information Program (SHIP) serving five counties in Northern California, said in August they used it to save one woman $8,400 for this year and more than $5,000 when helping another client.
Medicare officials say the total cost calculator will be fixed in time for the annual enrollment season, which starts nationwide Oct. 15 and runs through Dec. 7. But they have yet to address multiple other issues raised by the Medicare Rights Center and industry groups.
"The new tool will provide more enhanced price and quality information" to assure informed health care decisions, Seema Verma, administrator at the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, said when she unveiled the redesign in August.
During open enrollment, beneficiaries can sign up for Medicare Advantage plans, the alternative to traditional Medicare that offer drug coverage and often more benefits than the government program does. About a third of the 64 million people in Medicare choose this option. Next year, the average Medicare Advantage monthly premium is expected to drop 14% compared with 2019 to an estimated $23, according to CMS.
This is also the only time most people in traditional Medicare can sign up for a drug plan, also known as Part D, to help cover their prescription costs. It's a good idea to review plans every year since costs and covered drugs can change from year to year. Estimated average monthly premiums for these policies will be $30 next year, about 8% less than in 2019, CMS has reported.
Medicare Advantage plans next year are allowed to offer new additional benefits for people with certain chronic diseases, such as dementia, diabetes or heart disease. That's on top of the non-medical benefits that are not tied to a person's health problems they were allowed to add this year, such as home-delivered meals after a hospitalization, transportation to medical appointments and minor home improvements, such as grab bars to prevent falls in the bathroom.
Next year, the additional services some Advantage plans will offer hardly sound like insurance benefits: pest control, dog food for service animals, home-delivered meals and discounted groceries.
"It's really shifting from reactive care to preventative care," said Martin Esquivel, vice president for Medicare product management at Anthem, which will offer those and other new perks to some of its more than a million Medicare Advantage members.
Smaller Medicare Advantage plans have also expanded benefits. The 60,000 Alignment Healthcare members in some California, Florida and North Carolina plans will have access to free transportation to doctor appointments from Uber or Lyft.
To address social isolation, some California members who also have certain chronic diseases can receive visits from "Grandkids On-Demand," college students who can help with light housekeeping and provide companionship for up to two hours a day. Humana and Aetna will also offer the service in some plans.
But most insurers are not embracing the opportunity to add extra benefits.
"Of those Medicare Advantage plans affected by the new rules, 10% (or about 500) offered new supplemental benefits in 2020 for people with serious chronic illnesses, such as in-home services, palliative care, respite support for people's caregivers or adult day care," said Robert Saunders, research director for payment and delivery reform at Duke University's Margolis Center for Health Policy. He is still analyzing the other categories of extra benefits.
UnitedHealthcare, which controls 26% of the Medicare Advantage market, is focused"on providing the core medical benefits, which is why people purchase health insurance in the first place," said Steve Warner, vice president of the UHC Medicare Advantage product team."Most consumers don't want to buy a plan that's been loaded up with ancillary benefits that they don't think they're going to use."
Instead, the insurer is offering more plans that do not restrict members to a network of health care providers and introducing specialized plans for people with diabetes or dementia, among other changes.
Because new extra benefits will not be accessible in every county, seniors may need to do some detective work to find out what's available. Using the plan finder, it's possible to narrow down the Medicare Advantage choices only to those plans that offer hearing, vision, dental, fitness and transportation coverage.
Bonnie Burns, a consultant to California Health Advocates, recommends that customers call insurers to confirm details before signing up.
Among the improvements in the new plan finder is the ability to compare estimated costs of Medicare Advantage plans against coverage under traditional Medicare with a separate drug plan and one of 11 kinds of Medigap supplement plans, which cover all or some of the out-of-pocket costs Medicare doesn't pay for.
But the monthly premiums listed for Medigap policies ― at least in some areas ― are wildly off course. According to the plan finder, a senior in San Francisco can buy a Medigap plan for as little as $20.83 a month. Yet such a plan is not included in the rate chart published by the California Department of Insurance, which lists the cheapest bare-bones policy for a 65-year-old at four times more.
With a more complicated, slower enrollment process, it's likely that older adults will need more help. And help may be scarce.
"It means fewer people that we get to see because we're giving each one more time," said Alicia Jones, administrator of the state SHIP program at Nebraska's Department of Insurance.
To find your local SHIP program, call 1-877-839-2675 or visit www.shiptacenter.org/.
Hospitals cannot discharge patients if they have no safe place to go, so patients who are homeless, frail, living alone, or experiencing an unstable housing situation, can occupy hospital beds long after their acute medical problem is resolved.
DENVER — One patient at Denver Health, the city's largest safety net hospital, occupied a bed for more than four years—a hospital record of 1,558 days.
Another admitted for a hard-to-treat bacterial infection needed eight weeks of at-home IV antibiotics, but had no home.
A third, with dementia, came to the hospital after being released from the Denver County Jail. His family refused to take him back.
In the first half of this year alone, the hospital treated more than 100 long-term patients. All had a medical issue that led to their initial hospitalization. But none of the patients had a medical reason for remaining in the hospital for most of their stay.
Legally and morally, hospitals cannot discharge patients if they have no safe place to go. So patients who are homeless, frail or live alone, or have unstable housing, can occupy hospital beds for weeks or months—long after their acute medical problem is resolved. For hospitals, it means losing money because a patient lingering in a bed without medical problems doesn't generate much, if any, income. Meanwhile, acutely ill patients may wait days in the ER to be moved to a floor because a hospital's beds are full.
"Those people are, for lack of a better term, stranded in our hospital," said Dr. Sarah Stella, a Denver Health physician.
To address the problem, hospitals from Baltimore to St. Louis to Sacramento, Calif., are exploring ways to help patients find a home. With recent federal policy changes that encourage hospitals to allocate charity dollars for housing, many hospitals realize it's cheaper to provide a month of housing than to keep patients for a single night.
Hospital executives find the calculus works even if they have to build affordable housing units themselves. It's why Denver Health is partnering with the Denver Housing Authority to repurpose a mothballed building on the hospital campus into affordable senior housing, including about 15 apartments designated to help homeless patients transition out of the hospital.
"This is an experiment of sorts," said Peg Burnette, the hospital's chief financial officer. "We might be able to help better their lives, as well as help the financials of the hospital and help free up capacity for the patients that need to come to see us for acute care."
Spending To Save Money
Denver Health once used the shuttered 10-story building for office space but opted to sell it to the housing authority and grant a 99-year lease on the land for a minimal fee.
"It really lowers the construction costs for us," said Ismael Guerrero, Denver Housing Authority's executive director. "It was a great opportunity to build additional housing in a location that's obviously close to the hospital, close to public transit, near the city center."
Once the renovation is complete in late 2021, the housing group will hire a coordinator to assist tenants with housing-related issues, including helping those in the transitional units find permanent housing. The hospital will provide a case manager to help with their physical and behavioral health needs, preparing them for life on their own. Denver Health expects most patients will be able to move on from the transitional units within 90 days.
The hospital will pay for the housing portion itself. That will still be far cheaper than what the hospital currently spends.
It costs Denver Health $2,700 a night to keep someone in the hospital. Patients who are prime candidates for the transitional units stay on average 73 days, for a total cost to the hospital of nearly $200,000. The hospital estimates it would cost a fraction of that, about $10,000, to house a patient for a year instead.
"The hospital really is like the most expensive form of housing," Stella said.
Growing Interest
A recent report from the Urban Institute found that while most hospital officials are well aware of how poor housing affects a patient's recovery, they were stymied about how to address the issue.
"It's on the radar of almost all hospitals," said Kathryn Reynolds, who co-authored the report. "But it seemed like actually making investments in housing, providing some type of financing or an investment in land or something that has a good amount of value seems to be less widespread."
The report found housing investment has been more likely among hospitals with their own health plans or other types of arrangements in which they were receiving a fixed amount of money to care for a group of patients. Getting patients into housing could lower their costs and increase their operating margins. Others, particularly religiously affiliated and children's hospitals, sought housing solutions as part of their charitable mission.
Reynolds said the trend is due in part to the Affordable Care Act, which requires hospitals to perform a community needs assessment to help guide their charitable efforts. That prompted more hospitals to consider the social needs of their patients and pushed housing concerns up the list. Additionally, the Internal Revenue Service clarified in 2015 that hospitals could claim housing investments as charitable spending required under their tax-free status. And provisions included in the 2017 tax cut bill provided significant tax savings for investors in newly designated opportunity zones, increasing their interest in affordable housing projects.
Some hospitals, she said, may use their cash reserves to invest in housing projects that generate a lower return than other investment options because it furthers their mission, not just their profits.
In other cases, hospital systems play a facilitator role—using their access to cheap credit or serving as an anchor tenant in a larger development—to help get a project off the ground.
"Housing is not their business," Guerrero said. "It's not an easy space to get into if you don't have the experience, if you don't have a real estate development team in-house to understand how to put these deals together."
Cutting Costs
In the southwestern corner of Colorado, Centura Health's Mercy Regional Medical Center has partnered with Housing Solutions for the Southwest to prioritize housing vouchers for frequent users of the emergency room.
Under a program funded by the Catholic Health Initiatives, Mercy hired a social worker and a case manager to review records of frequent emergency room patients. They quickly realized how big an issue housing was for those patients. Many had diabetes and depended on insulin—which needs refrigeration. Kidney failure was one of the most costly diagnoses for the hospital.
Once patients received housing vouchers and found stable housing, though, costs began to drop.
"We now knew where they were. We knew that they had a safe place to live," said Elsa Inman, program coordinator at Mercy Regional. "We knew they would be more effective in managing their chronic conditions."
The patients with stable housing were more likely to make it to their primary care and specialist appointments, more likely to stay on top of medications and keep their chronic conditions in check.
The combination of intensive case management and patient engagement helped to halve ER visits for the first 146 patients in the program, saving nearly $495,000 in Medicaid spending in less than three years.
"Hospitals are businesses and nonprofits are businesses," said Brigid Korce, program development director for Housing Solutions. "They are bottom-line, dollars-and-cents people."
Inman acknowledged that the hospital might have missed out on some revenue by reducing ER use by these patients. Hospitals are still largely paid by the number of patients they treat and the number of services they provide.
But most of those patients were covered by Medicaid, so reimbursements were low anyway. And the move freed up more ER beds for patients with more critical needs.
"We want to be prepared for life-threatening conditions," Inman said. "If you've got most of your beds taken up by someone who can be receiving patient care outside in the community, then that's the right thing to do."
That was less of an issue for the inpatients at Denver Health. Because hospitals are generally paid a fixed amount for a given diagnosis, the longer a patient stays in the hospital, the more money the hospital loses.
"They've basically exhausted their benefit under any plan because they don't meet medical necessity anymore," Burnette said. "If they had a home, they would go home. But they don't, so they stay in the hospital."
The president took aim at the overhaul plans advocated by his Democratic opponents and claimed Republicans are committed to protecting people with preexisting conditions, before signing an executive order to expand Medicare Advantage.
President Donald Trump offered a preview of what his 2020 health agenda might look like in a speech Thursday—blasting Democratic proposals for reform and saying he would tackle issues such as prescription drug prices and affordability.
He outlined the pillars of his health care vision, which included protecting vulnerable patients; delivering affordable care and prescription drugs; providing choices and control; and improving care for veterans.
In the speech, delivered in The Villages, Fla., before the president signed an executive order to expand Medicare Advantage, Trump also took aim at overhaul plans being advocated by his Democratic opponents, claiming their approach would "put everyone into a single socialist government-run program that would end private insurance."
He said he and Republicans are committed to protecting people who have preexisting conditions—a claim that PolitiFact and Kaiser Health News previously rated False, because of his administration's policies.
And, in keeping with the Medicare Advantage theme, he spoke about a controversial move by the Obama administration to reduce future payments to that program by $800 billion. (This point, previously examined by PolitFact, was found to be Half True—but Trump didn't note that the reductions didn't affect the program's beneficiaries, or that he has used a similar approach in projecting future Medicare spending reductions.)
He challenged Congress to approve legislation to curb surprise medical bills and lauded improvements in the veterans' health system.
But the speech included several other claims directed at Democrats and the currently buzzy proposal of "Medicare for All" that could easily have left some people befuddled. We broke down a few.
Trump told his audience that "Democrats are draining your health care to finance the open borders."
We asked the White House for the basis of this remark and never got a specific answer. But there are various issues to examine.
In August, the president argued that Democrats "support giving illegal immigrants free healthcare at our expense." But that isn't accurate. The statement, part of a Trump 2020 television advertisement, was rated Mostly False.
That claim examined Democratic candidates who had said during one of the televised debates that their health care plans would provide coverage to undocumented immigrants. But the question posed by a debate host didn't ask whether coverage would be free. In fact, multiple candidates said coverage for undocumented people would not be free. Some, meanwhile, include copays and deductibles in their health care proposals. Plus, if any Medicare for All plan was financed through, for instance, payroll taxes, undocumented immigrants would also be subject to paying those.
Trump argued that Democratic proposals for universal health care "would totally obliterate Medicare"—adding that "whether it's single-payer or the so-called public option … they want to raid Medicare to fund a thing called socialism."
The argument here is nuanced but, fundamentally, Trump's characterization misses the mark and is misleading.
The "single-payer" bill he refers to is the Medicare for All proposal pushed by Democratic Sens. Bernie Sanders of Vermont and Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts. The bill would put all Americans—including the seniors currently covered by Medicare—into a single health plan. It would share Medicare's name but look dramatically different: Unlike the existing program, the proposal envisions covering virtually all medical services and eliminating cost sharing. It would not be administered by private, for-profit contractors.
Predicting what this looks like is difficult since it's grounded in hypotheticals. And one could argue that using the term "obliterates" is not completely off base because Medicare in its current form would no longer exist. But that misses the broader impact. Under the proposal as it's written, seniors would be insured through a program at least as generous—if not more—than what they currently receive.
As for "public option" proposals put forth by candidates such as former Vice President Joe Biden and South Bend, Ind., Mayor Pete Buttigieg, they would leave Medicare more or less as it is, while also creating a public health plan uninsured people could buy into.
Describing Medicare for All, Trump said the plan would "reduce Americans' household income by $17,000 a year."
We contacted the White House to find out the source of this number. The administration acknowledged receipt but never sent an answer.
That said, it's unclear where this number comes from, because the evidence simply doesn't exist to make such a precise claim. After all, many details about Medicare for All are still being worked out. That makes it exceptionally difficult to figure out how much such a system would cost—let alone how an individual household's finances might change under such a system. (This ambiguity is why the Congressional Budget Office has declined to estimate single-payer's fiscal impact.)
And different households would likely make out differently under Medicare for All. Some might end up paying more. But others would likely pay more in taxes while still seeing their health care costs go down—meaning they could ultimately save money.
Trump said, "the Democrat plans for socialized medicine will not just put doctors and hospitals out of business, they will also deny your treatment and everything that you need."
This statement relies on a talking point that's been widely debunked.
We focused on the first part of this claim. Both conservatives and moderate Democrats have argued that single-payer health care, in particular, would drive hospitals and doctors to shutter en masse. (Conservatives have made this argument about a public option as well.) In a past related fact check, we rated this as False.
The argument springs from the way Medicare currently reimburses hospitals, at 87 cents for every dollar spent on health care. But the Sanders bill does not set a reimbursement rate, and instead would charge the federal government with devising an appropriate rate.
Some hospitals might struggle under a new system—but others, health care economists have previously told us, would likely do better.
"It really depends on which hospitals you're talking about," Gerard Anderson, a health policy professor at Johns Hopkins University and an expert in hospital pricing, told Kaiser Health News in July.
Tennessee wants to be the first state to test a radical approach for federal financing of Medicaid, the federal-state health care program for low-income people.
The proposal, Tennessee Medicaid Director Gabe Roberts said, would increase the federal government's contributions by millions of dollars and allow Tennessee to improve care for enrollees, perhaps offering additional services such as limited dental care for some people. But critics fear the plan will harm the poor.
Tennessee, controlled by a Republican governor and legislature, has not expanded its Medicaid program as allowed under the Affordable Care Act.
The federal government pays each state a percentage of the cost of caring for anyone eligible for Medicaid ― varying from 50% to 77%. And all who qualify get covered.
Tennessee has proposed altering its federal funding (66% of its total Medicaid budget) into an annual lump sum. (Drug expenses would be excluded from the new program.) The state said the change would give it more flexibility to run the program ― which serves 1.4 million people ― and would save money.
Conservatives have pursued Medicaid block grants for decades to give states more power over the program. But Democrats oppose such efforts, arguing block grants could result in less coverage and limit enrollment. They also stress that states, over time, could see significant drops in federal Medicaid funding because it would not be based specifically on the number of enrollees.
Tennessee's plan, which was submitted last week to the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, would not change benefits or eligibility levels.
KHN senior correspondent Phil Galewitz sat down with Roberts last week to talk about the issue. His answers have been edited for clarity and length.
Q: Why are you seeking to turn Medicaid into a block grant now, especially as your state has been experiencing a budget surplus?
This isn't a traditional block grant. We are calling it a modified approach. Tennessee Gov. Bill Lee has been a fan of the block grant idea for a while but also cares deeply about making sure that any approach isn't going to reduce enrollment or services or people that we serve.
A state law passed this year instructing our administration to file a block grant waiver that would have a floor for federal dollars coming. So if enrollment fell, the money wouldn't decrease. But if enrollment increased, the amount of federal payments would be indexed to account for that.
Q: Can you discuss the shared-savings element that Tennessee is proposing?
Any savings from this program would be split in half with the federal government.
We have routinely underspent what the federal government projects for our costs by billions of dollars. So what this proposal does is to ask CMS to reimagine the state-federal funding mechanism as a value-based one, so that states that operate well and serve their populations well ― but also contain costs ― are rewarded with additional federal dollars to invest in that population without the requirement to come up with a state match. Right now, we don't keep any of the money we save.
Q: As one of the poorer states, are you willing to risk getting less money from the federal government for Medicaid?
We believe the way the waiver is designed mitigates any concerns around a traditional block grant program. We do not believe this will result in fewer federal dollars coming to the state. This is an opportunity to bring more federal dollars to spend to enhance services or perhaps to provide services to additional people we are not serving today.
Q: Some experts question the legality of the Trump administration approving a type of Medicaid block grant without congressional authority. Why do you believe this is legal?
There are a variety of ways we can reach a mutually agreeable solution with CMS on this that clearly comports to federal law.
Q: Why is turning Medicaid financing into a block grant a better idea for the poor than expanding Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act, which would provide coverage to nearly additional 300,000 residents? The federal government pays 90% of the cost of these new enrollees, bringing billions of additional federal funding into the state.
These are two different and not mutually exclusive goals. This is an approach that rewards Tennessee for a well-run program, providing high-quality care to members with high member satisfaction and underspending CMS projections. This allows us to get access to some of those federal savings. Medicaid expansion requires a significant amount of money that the state has to come up with on an ongoing basis. I don't know that it's fair to pit the two approaches against each other.
Worried its employees aren't getting good enough care from doctors in their insurance networks, Walmart next year will test pointing workers in northwestern Arkansas, central Florida and the Dallas-Fort Worth area toward physicians it has found provide better service.
If the employees use these "featured providers," they will pay less out of pocket, Walmart officials said Thursday.
Walmart is working with Embold Health of Nashville, a recent startup company that uses data to analyze whether doctors provide "appropriate, effective and cost-efficient care." Embold CEO Daniel Stein was a Walmart executive from 2013 to 2017.
"Rather than relying on word of mouth or social media to find a provider, patients can get information based on actual data and proven results," said Lisa Woods, Walmart's senior director of U.S. benefits.
Walmart, the nation's largest private employer, would not disclose the percentage of its doctors in those geographic areas that have the new quality distinction or how much workers could save by using their services. The company hopes to take the program nationwide if successful, officials said.
About 60,000 employees and dependents in the three initial areas could be affected.
Ateev Mehrotra, associate professor of health care policy at Harvard Medical School, said Walmart's strategy could raise questions about whether doctors are chosen more for lower cost or higher quality.
"This sounds awesome and great in theory, to identify the best doctors you have for your employees to go to, but what is in the black box formula that Embold Health is using, and how much is it the cost and how much is quality of care?" he said.
The effort to steer workers to certain doctors mirrors a similar approach Walmart uses with hospital care. Since 2012, Walmart has directed the 1 million employees and dependents on its health plan to better-performing hospitals for high-cost services, such as heart and transplant surgery.
While using these hospitals — including Mayo Clinic and Cleveland Clinic — may cost more than a local alternative, Walmart officials have said the strategy saves money by averting complications and unnecessary care. Several other large employers have followed a similar "centers of excellence" strategy.
Employer health experts said Walmart's initiative with physicians is a groundbreaking step — but is also fraught with risks such as alienating doctors and upsetting employees who don't want to change doctors.
"It's a bold move to use the data they have and share it with employees for their benefit," said Steve Wojcik, vice president of public policy at the National Business Group on Health, a trade group of large employers. "It's part of Walmart's pattern to disrupt and transform health care for the better."
Stein of Embold Health said his company uses various quality metrics that vary by specialty to rate physicians. The company shares its criteria with physicians, he said, so they know what areas they need to improve to get the quality distinction. This includes such measures as rates of cesarean sections for patients with low-risk pregnancies and infection rates for patients after elective knee or hip replacement, according to Embold Health.
Mehrotra noted, however, that it's often difficult to identify which doctors provide the highest quality of care because most work in large groups where patients may see multiple physicians.
The initiative to identify better-performing doctors, he suggested, "can only be seen as a failure of their health plans," noting that employers typically rely on the insurance companies that administer their plans to identify the best doctors for their networks.
Walmart's test will include physicians specializing in primary care, cardiology, gastroenterology, endocrinology, obstetrics, oncology, orthopedics and pulmonology.
Walmart officials said the initiative is aimed at helping reduce the large amount of unnecessary care that doctors provide, which some studies say is as high as 30%.
"We hope to get a meaningful chunk of that removed from our costs and our associates' costs," said Adam Stavisky, Walmart's senior vice president of U.S. benefits. "How much we can save? We don't know, but we think it's material."
The initiative is one of several announced by Walmart officials Thursday, including pilot projects to expand access to telehealth doctors managing chronic care in Colorado, Minnesota and Wisconsin, and to help workers in North Carolina and South Carolina find doctors, provide assistance on billing questions or complex medical issues.
Medicare cut payments to 2,583 hospitals Tuesday, continuing the Affordable Care Act's eight-year campaign to financially pressure hospitals into reducing the number of patients who return for a second stay within a month.
The severity and broad application of the penalties, which Medicare estimates will cost hospitals $563 million over a year, follows the trend of the past few years. Of the 3,129 general hospitals evaluated in the Hospital Readmission Reduction Program, 83% received a penalty, which will be deducted from each payment for a Medicare patient stay over the fiscal year that begins today.
Although Medicare began applying the penalties in 2012, disagreements continue about whether they have improved patient safety. On the positive side, they have encouraged hospitals to focus on how their patients recuperate, and some now assist them in procuring medications and follow-up appointments.
But the hospital industry and some academics have raised concerns that some hospitals may be avoiding readmitting patients who require additional inpatient care out of fear of the financial repercussions, while others have said the program is not showing major benefits.
"A lot of hard work has gone into trying to reduce readmissions, and the needle has not moved very far," said Dr. Karen Joynt Maddox, co-director of the Center for Health Economics and Policy at Washington University in St. Louis, who has been skeptical of the initiative. "It's been a huge investment by hospitals but not very much in outcomes, but some good things have come out of it."
A few studieshave even found an increase in mortality since the penalties took effect, but other studies, including a recent one by the Medicare Payment Advisory Commission (MedPAC), an independent body that helped devise the approach for Congress, identified no such link.
"I don't believe the HRRP kills people," David Grabowski, a commission member and health policy professor at Harvard Medical School, said at the commission's meeting last month, using the acronym for the penalty program.
The MedPAC staff's preliminary analysis, made public last month, found that the frequency of Medicare patients being readmitted within 30 days of discharge dropped from 16.7% in 2010 to 15.7% in 2017. However, the analysis said the decrease was more significant once it took into consideration that the average patient was frailer in 2017 than in 2010 and thus more likely to end up back in the hospital, with all other things being equal.
"On a risk-adjusted basis, it appears that readmissions have declined in 2010 to 2018 without causing a material increase in mortality," Jeff Stensland, a MedPAC analyst, told the commission.
The penalties are based on the frequency of readmissions of Medicare patients who had originally been treated for heart failure, heart attack, pneumonia, chronic lung disease, hip and knee replacement or coronary artery bypass graft surgery. Readmissions that were scheduled to occur are not counted.
Medicare counts the readmission of patients who returned to a hospital within 30 days even if that hospital is not the one that originally treated them. In those cases, the penalty is applied to the first hospital. This year's penalties are based on discharges from July 1, 2015, to June 30, 2018.
"This is like driving your car by looking in the rearview mirror of the car three cars behind you," Dr. Jonathan Perlin, the chief medical officer of HCA Healthcare in Nashville and a MedPAC commission member, said at last month's meeting. "It's very difficult to operationalize."
The average penalty will be a 0.71% decrease in payment for each Medicare patient who leaves the hospital over the next year, according to a Kaiser Health News analysis. The KHN analysis also found:
1,177 hospitals received a higher penalty than they did last year.
1,148 hospitals received a lower one than last year.
64 hospitals received the same penalty as last year.
194 hospitals that had not been penalized last year are being punished this year.
The maximum penalty — a 3% reduction in payments — was assessed against 56 hospitals.
372 hospitals avoided penalties in both years.
These figures do not include 2,142 hospitals that Medicare exempted from the program this year, either because they had too few cases to judge; served veterans, children or psychiatric patients; or were critical-access hospitals, which are the only hospitals within reach of some patients.
Also, Maryland hospitals were excluded because Congress lets that state set its own rules on how to distribute Medicare money and handle readmissions.
The Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services determines its penalties by looking at national averages for each of the conditions, so hospitals that have reduced their readmissions from previous years can still take a hit. The hospital industry argues it may be approaching the limits of how much it can do to prevent readmissions. A repeat stay, hospitals say, is sometimes necessary no matter what precautions are taken.
Akin Demehin, director of policy at the American Hospital Association, said: "It raises the question: Is the value of the program to improve care or just to enact penalties on hospitals?"
Look Up Tool Here are the hospitals hit with readmissions penalties for 2020. You can filter by location, hospital name or year.
Historical Data Here are links to articles and data since 2015.
Kaiser Health News is suing the U.S. Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services to release dozens of audits that the agency says reveal hundreds of millions of dollars in overcharges by Medicare Advantage health plans.
The suit, filed late Thursday in U.S. District Court in San Francisco under the Freedom of Information Act, seeks copies of 90 government audits of Medicare Advantage health plans conducted for 2011, 2012 and 2013 but never made public. CMS officials have said they expect to collect $650 million in overpayments from the audits. Although the agency has disclosed the names of the health plans under scrutiny, it has not released any other details.
"This action is about accountability for hundreds of millions of public dollars misspent," said Elisabeth Rosenthal, KHN's editor-in-chief. "The public deserves details about the overpayments, since many of these private companies are presumably still providing services to patients and we need to make sure it can't happen again."
Medicare Advantage, mostly run by private insurance companies, has enrolled more than 22 million seniors and people with disabilities, more than 1 in 3 people on Medicare.
On July 3, KHN reporters filed a FOIA requesting copies of the CMS audits, which are known as Risk Adjustment Data Validation, or RADV, and include the audit spreadsheets, payment error calculations and other records. CMS has yet to respond to that request, according to the suit.
"By this FOIA action, KHN seeks to shine a public light on CMS's activities on behalf of millions of Americans and their families," the suit states. The suit asks the court to find that CMS violated the FOIA law and order the agency to "immediately disclose the requested records."
While Medicare publicly discloses audits of other medical businesses, Medicare Advantage insurers "are being treated differently," according to the suit. "These audits are improperly being withheld by CMS, even though CMS estimates that these audits have identified some $650 million in improper charges," the suit alleges.
While proving popular with seniors, the Medicare Advantage industry has long faced criticism that it overcharges the government by billions of dollars every year.
Medicare pays the health plans higher rates for sicker patients and less for those in good health. However, the RADV audits have shown that health plans often cannot document whether many patients actually had the medical conditions the government paid them to treat, generating overpayments. The secretive RADV audits are the primary means for CMS to hold the industry accountable and claw back overcharges for the U.S. Treasury.
In July, KHN reportedthat Medicare Advantage plans have overcharged the government by nearly $30 billion in the past three years alone, money federal officials have struggled to recoup.
This month, U.S. Sen. Sherrod Brown, an Ohio Democrat, and five other senators sent a letter to CMS Administrator Seema Verma asking her to investigate Medicare Advantage overbilling. "In many cases, CMS has known for years about the tendency for some MA plans to overbill the government yet, despite this, CMS has taken little to no action to course correct. It is critical that CMS act immediately to recoup these overpayments and prevent future overbilling by MA plans," Brown wrote.
The insurance industry is fighting a proposal by CMS to expand the impact of RADV by extrapolating error rates found in a random sample of patients to the plan's full membership — a technique expected to trigger many multimillion-dollar penalties.
America's Health Insurance Plans, the industry's trade association, said in an Aug. 28 statementthat the CMS proposals "violate numerous statutory requirements and are fundamentally unfair and ill-conceived."
Stepping up RADV penalties "could lead to higher costs, reduced benefits, and fewer MA plan options for seniors," the group argued.
The FOIA lawsuit is the second by a media organization to compel CMS to disclose RADV audit findings. In 2014, the Center for Public Integrity sued CMS and won a court order forcing the release of RADV audits for the first time. The audits showed that 35 of 37 plans had been overpaid, in some cases by as much as $10,000 per patient in a year.