The study found no evidence that beneficiaries who lost coverage secured either jobs or other insurance coverage. In fact, it noted a dip in the employment rate among those eligible for Medicaid.
The Medicaid work requirement plan devised by Arkansas and approved by the Trump administration backfired because it caused thousands of poor adults to lose coverage without any evidence the target population gained jobs, a new study finds.
In fact, the requirement had only a limited chance for success as nearly 97% of Arkansas residents ages 30-49 who were eligible for Medicaid—those subject to the mandate—were already employed or should have been exempt from the new law, according to the study published Wednesday in the New England Journal of Medicine.
Yet the state's mandate—the first of its kind in the nation—resulted in 18,000 of the 100,000 targeted people falling off the Medicaid rolls. And despite administration officials' statements that many of them may have found jobs, the study by researchers at Harvard found no evidence they secured either jobs or other insurance coverage. In fact, it noted a dip in the employment rate among those eligible for Medicaid.
The researchers said the uninsured rate increased among 30- to 49-year-old Arkansans eligible for Medicaid from 10.5% in 2016 to 14.5% in 2018, while the employment rate fell from about 42% to just below 39%.
While the thousands of Arkansas residents losing Medicaid coverage has been documented since last year, the Harvard study is the first to provide evidence that the change left them uninsured and did not promote employment.
The results, based on a telephone survey of about 3,000 low-income adults in Arkansas, concluded that the law befuddled enrollees and that its mandatory reporting requirements led many to unnecessarily lose coverage.
"Lack of awareness and confusion about the reporting requirements were common, which may explain why thousands of individuals lost coverage," the researchers wrote.
Asked whether the findings mean the administration should pull the plug on work requirements, co-author Benjamin Sommers, a professor of health policy and economics at Harvard, replied, "It's time for them to pump the brakes at the very least."
As millions of nondisabled adults gained Medicaid coverage following the 2010 passage of the Affordable Care Act, conservatives pushed for requiring people to work or do other kinds of "community engagement" to keep their Medicaid, much as food stamps and welfare cash benefit programs do. The Trump administration embraced that ideal and has made Medicaid work requirements a central feature of its plan to restructure the federal-state entitlement program, which has more than 70 million enrollees.
Arkansas put the plan into action in spring 2018.
But in March, a federal judge struck down Arkansas' mandate and a plan to begin one in Kentucky. U.S. District Judge James Boasberg ruled the work requirement violated federal law because it failed to meet the core objective of Medicaid — getting medical coverage to the poor.
The Trump administration is appealing that ruling and, meanwhile, has approved similar plans in eight other states, including New Hampshire, which is scheduled to start cutting coverage in August for those not meeting the rules. New Hampshire's law also is being challenged in court by Medicaid advocates.
Six more states have pending applications to add work mandates.
Seema Verma, administrator of the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, defends the work requirements, saying they "are not some subversive attempt to just kick people off of Medicaid. Instead, their aim is to put beneficiaries in control with the right incentives to live healthier, independent lives."
Arkansas officials disputed the thrust of the study, noting that the requirement was short-lived because the judge intervened before it was in effect even a year and researchers did not find out why people who were dismissed from Medicaid didn't reapply.
"So you cannot describe this as the robust evaluation that we want and expect of a demonstration project that truly has national significance," said Amy Webb, a spokeswoman for the state's Medicaid program. "The best way to get answers to everyone's questions about the impact of work and community engagement requirements would be to let Arkansas continue what was started and conduct a true evaluation that follows people over time."
Under the Arkansas law, targeted enrollees were notified by the state via mail and informational flyers that they were required to work 80 hours a month, participate in another qualifying activity such as job training or community service, or meet criteria for an exemption such as pregnancy, a disability or parenting a child.
If they were out of compliance for three months during a calendar year or failed to report their status to the state through online reports, they could lose coverage.
For the first several months of its new mandate, Arkansas required enrollees to use an online portal for that reporting, a problem since 20% lacked internet access and another 20% lacked fast broadband. The state online portal also was unavailable after 9 p.m. each day.
The study found one-third of individuals subject to the policy had not heard anything about it, and 44% were unsure whether the requirements applied to them.
The findings back up arguments from advocates for the poor and nonpartisan experts that many Medicaid enrollees already have jobs. They also directly contradict claims by federal and Arkansas officials that many of those who lost coverage found a job.
In a hearing before the Senate Finance Committee earlier this year, Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar noted that only 1,452 of the 18,000 people who lost coverage because of the work requirement rules reapplied for Medicaid. He added that likely meant most no longer needed the government assistance.
"That seems a fairly strong indication that those people got a job and insurance elsewhere and didn't need the coverage," Azar said.
Sommers said the Arkansas experiment answers many questions about how work requirements could function nationally, although he acknowledged that other states might do a better job promoting the program and making it easier for enrollees to report their status.
"There are just not that many people [enrolled in Medicaid] who aren't working but could," Sommers said.
He noted Arkansas added the work requirement feature without adding new funding for job training or child support to help people who want to work.
Federal officials who approve the waivers allowing states to use work requirements should take note of the results, he said. "It does not make sense to keep approving the same waiver without doing anything differently," Sommers said.
About 1 in 6 Americans were surprised by a medical bill after treatment in a hospital in 2017 despite having insurance, according to a study published Thursday.
On average, 16% of inpatient stays and 18% of emergency visits left a patient with at least one out-of-network charge. Most of those came from doctors offering treatment at the hospital, even when the patients chose an in-network hospital, according to researchers from the Kaiser Family Foundation. Its study was based on large employer insurance claims. (Kaiser Health News is an editorially independent program of the foundation.)
The research also found that when a patient is admitted to the hospital from the emergency room, there's a higher likelihood of an out-of-network charge. As many as 26% of admissions from the emergency room resulted in a surprise medical bill.
"Millions of emergency visits and hospital stays left people with large employer coverage at risk of a surprise bill in 2017," the authors wrote.
The researchers got their data by analyzing large-employer claims from IBM's MarketScan Research Databases, which include claims for almost 19 million individuals.
Surprise bills don't just come from the emergency room. Often, patients will pick an in-network facility and see a provider who works there but isn't employed by the hospital. These doctors, from outside staffing firms, can charge out-of-network prices.
"It's kind of a built-in problem," said Karen Pollitz, a senior fellow at the Kaiser Family Foundation and an author of the study. She said most private health insurance plans are built on networks, where patients get the highest value for choosing a doctor in the network. But patients often don't know whether they are being treated by an out-of-network doctor while in a hospital.
"By definition, there are these circumstances where they cannot choose their provider, whether it's an emergency or it's [a doctor] who gets brought in and they don't even meet them face-to-face."
The issue is ripe for a federal solution. Some states have surprise-bill protections in place, but those laws don't apply to most large-employer plans because the federal government regulates them.
"New York and California have very high rates of surprise bills even though they have some of the strongest state statutes," Pollitz said. "These data show why federal legislation would matter."
Consumers in Texas, New York, Florida, New Jersey and Kansas were the most likely to see a surprise bill, while people in Minnesota, South Dakota, Nebraska, Maine and Mississippi saw fewer, according to the study.
Legislative solutions are being discussed in the White House and Congress. The leaders of the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee introduced a package Wednesday that included a provision to address it. The legislation from HELP sets a benchmark for what out-of-network physicians will be paid, which would be an amount comparable to what the plan is paying other doctors for that service.
That bill is set for a committee markup next week.
Other remedies are also being offered by different groups of lawmakers.
Aletha Maybank, MD, a pediatrician, is talks to Kaiser Health News about her challenges and priorities as the American Medical Association's Equity Chief.
This article was first published on Wednesday, June 19, 2019 in Kaiser Health News.
Part of Dr. Aletha Maybank's medical training left a sour taste in her mouth.
Her superiors told her not to worry about nonmedical issues affecting her patients' quality of life, she said, because social workers would handle it. But she didn't understand how physicians could divorce medical advice from the context of patients' lives.
"How can you offer advice as recommendations that's not even relevant to how their day-to-day plays out?" Maybank asked.
Today, Maybank is continuing to question that medical school philosophy. She was recently named the first chief health equity officerfor the American Medical Association. In that job, she is responsible for implementing practices among doctors across the country to help end disparities in care. She has a full agenda, including launching the group's Center for Health Equity and helping the Chicago-based doctors association reach out to people in poor neighborhoods in the city.
A pediatrician, Maybank previously worked for the New York City government as deputy commissioner for the health department and founding director of the city's health equity center.
Carmen Heredia Rodriguez of Kaiser Health News recently spoke with Maybank about her new role and how health inequities affect Americans. This transcript has been edited for length and clarity.
Q: Can you tell me what health equity means to you, and what are some of the main drivers that are keeping health inequitable in this country?
The AMA policy around health equity is optimal health for all people.
But it's not just an outcome; there's a process to get there. How do we engage with people? How do we look at and collect our data to make sure our practices and processes are equitable? How do we hire differently to ensure diversity? All these things are processes to achieve health equity.
In order to understand what produces inequities, we have to understand what creates health. Health is created outside of the walls of the doctor's office and at the hospital. What are patients' jobs and employment like? The kind of education they have. Income. Their ability to build wealth. All of these are conditions that impact health.
Q: Is there anything along your career path that really surprised you about the state of healthcare in the U.S.?
There's the perception that all of our health is really determined by whether you have a doctor or not, or if you have insurance. What creates health is much beyond that.
So if we really want to work on health and equity, we have to partner with people who are in the education space and the economic space and the housing spaces, because that's where health inequities are produced. You could have insurance coverage. You could have a primary care doctor. But it doesn't mean that you're not going to experience health inequities.
Q: Discrimination based on racial lines is one obvious driver of health inequities. What are some of the other populations that are affected by health inequity?
I think structural racism is a system that affects us all.
It's not just the black-white issue. So, whether it's discrimination or inequities that exist among LGBT youth and transgender [or] nonconforming people, or if it's folks who are immigrants or women, a lot of that is contextualized under the umbrella of white supremacy within the country.
Q: And what are some of your priorities?
A large part of my work will be how I build the organizational capacity to better understand health equity. The reality in this country is folks aren't comfortable talking about those issues. So, we have to destigmatize talking about all of this.
Q: Are there any particular populations or relationships that you plan to focus on?
The AMA excluded black physicians until the 1960s. So one question is, How do we work to heal relationships as well as understand the impact of our past actions? AMA definitely issued an apology in the early 2000s, and my new role is also a step in the right direction. However, there is more that we can and should do.
Another priority now is, How do we work, and who do we work with, in our own backyard of Chicago? What can we do to work directly with people experiencing the greatest burden of disease? How do we ensure that we acknowledge the power, assets and expertise of communities so that we have the process and solutions driven and led by communities? To that end, we've begun working with West Side United via a relationship at Rush Medical Center. West Side United is a community-driven, collective neighborhood planning, implementation and investment effort geared toward optimizing economic well-being and improved health outcomes.
Q: Is there anything else you feel is important to understand about health equity?
Health equity and social determinants of health have become jargon. But we are talking about people's lives. We were all born equal. We are clearly not all treated equal, but we all deserve equity. I don't live outside of it, and none of us really do. I am one of those women who were three to four times more likely to die at childbirth because I'm black. So I don't live outside of this experience. I'm talking about my own life.
When Pamela DeSalvo read the clinical note from her doctor's visit, the words on the page hit her hard: "clinically morbidly obese." She knew she was overweight, but seeing those three words together shocked her. It also inspired her to start losing weight.
"I needed to see it in black and white, what I actually in my heart already knew. It forced me to get honest with myself," DeSalvo said.
"Reading that note saved my life." Studies show that, indeed, reading your doctor's notes can improve your health.
DeSalvo lives in Metuchen, N.J., and works in health information technology. In the years after reading her doctor's notes, DeSalvo kept that experience in mind as she helped Atrium Health implement a system that allows doctors to share clinical notes.
Many patients go home with a summary of their office visit. That recap often includes a list of medications or reminders to schedule a follow-up. The full doctor's note has many more details —all the stuff the physician types into the computer during and after your medical appointment. Your medical history. The complaint that brought you to the office. Sometimes, physicians write down exactly what patients say. Mixed in are billing codes and the doctor's thoughts about what might be happening with the patient.
A research project in Boston, called OpenNotes, encourages doctors to share their notes with patients. On the flip side, it invites patients to ask for access to their doctor's notes. The project is housed at Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center.
In onestudy, when researchers surveyed patients who'd looked at their doctor's notes, the majority of patients reported they felt more in control of their care and said they were more compliant taking medication. A small share — from 1% to 8% — said the notes caused confusion, worry or offense.
Liz Salmi, a woman living with brain cancer in Sacramento, Calif., was an experienced patient advocate and bloggerwhen she first got a look at her doctor's notes on her. After Salmi's insurance changed, she requested her medical records. For $45, she received a 4,839-page PDF on a disk along with her brain scans.
And she got curious. "I was, like, what is on these disks?" Salmi said.
There was no big revelation. And she didn't uncover any mistakes.
But it was a nice way to re-hear what her doctors had told her through the years. Salmi said the records are a time capsule of sorts. As Salmi scanned the pages, she said, she discovered "meaningful nuggets" where her doctors quoted her verbatim.
"Just that level of detail made me feel like they were listening," said Salmi, who is featured in this week's episode of the podcast "An Arm and a Leg," which is co-produced by Kaiser Health News.
Eventually, Salmi went to work for OpenNotes, and today she's a senior strategist who does outreach and communications for the research group.
The Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act, or HIPAA, which has been the law since 1996, allows patients to review and get copies of their medical records.
But researcher Dr. Harlan Krumholz said a legal right doesn't guarantee easy access.
Krumholz, a cardiologist and professor at Yale University, published a studyin 2018 that examined the records-requesting process at 83 top-ranked hospitals in the U.S.
The results varied widely. Some hospitals didn't meet state deadlines for delivering the records, others charged exorbitant fees for the documents — well above the federal government's recommendation for electronic records.
"What is clear from this is, it is hard for Americans to get access to their own medical records," Krumholz said.
OpenNotes — the research group that advocates for better access — says that today about 40 million patients are a part of a health system that shares clinical notes through their electronic health record software. But each medical system is different, and it can take time and effort to navigate an online portal to find what you're looking for.
"I've been under the assumption for years that patients could access the notes whenever they wanted to, so I keep them objective and matter-of-fact," said Dr. Neda Frayha, an internist who practices at Ascension Medical Group in Baltimore.
She encourages her patients to review her notes.
"Being a patient is hard. Appointments take forever, and often clinicians don't spend a lot of time with patients," said Frayha. "For many patients, it is hard to make sense of what is happening. If access to their note provides them with knowledge and assurance, then that is important to provide."
Frayha said having her notes on display hasn't changed her behavior or note-taking much. But, she said, "I think it's actually good for us as a profession to be more mindful of the words we use."
Texas Gov. Greg Abbott signed legislation shielding patients from getting a huge bill when their insurance company and medical provider can't agree on payment.
This article was first published on Tuesday, June 18, 2019 in Kaiser Health News.
Texas is now among more than a dozen states that have cracked down on the practice of surprise medical billing.
Texas Gov. Greg Abbott, a Republican, signed legislation Friday shielding patients from getting a huge bill when their insurance company and medical provider can't agree on payment.
The bipartisan legislation removes patients from the middle of price disputes between a health insurance company and a hospital or other medical provider.
"We wanted to try to take the patients — get them out of the middle of it, because really it's not their fight," said Republican state Sen. Kelly Hancock, the bill's author.
Under the new law, insurance companies and medical providers can enter into arbitration to negotiate a payment — and state officials would oversee that process.
Surprise medical billing typically happens when someone with health insurance goes to a hospital during an emergency and that hospital is out-of-network. It also occurs if a patient goes to an in-network hospital and their doctors or medical providers are not in-network. Sometimes insurance companies and medical providers won't agree on what's a fair price for that care and patients end up with a hefty medical bill.
Consumer advocates in the state have urged lawmakers to do more to help Texans saddled with surprise medical bills.
Drew Calver is among the many Texans who have dealt with a surprise bill in the past few years. Calver, a high school history teacher in Austin, had a heart attack in 2017. He was rushed to the closest hospital by a friend that day, and doctors implanted stents to save his life.
Even though he had health insurance that paid the hospital more than $55,000 for his care, Calver ended up with a $109,000 bill. Calver and his wife, Erin, fought with the hospital and the insurance company for months with little success.
The Calvers eventually turned to the press. Last summer, he told his story to the "Bill of the Month" investigation from NPR and Kaiser Health News. "CBS This Morning" also covered the story. Shortly afterward, his bill was slashed to just $332. Erin Calver said she has seen her family's story strike a chord.
"For whatever reason, people could relate to us — and be scared that maybe it could happen to them," she said.
Drew Calver said he encounters many people who worry about the issue.
"The doctor that put my stents in — he either just had a baby or is about to have a baby — and he was saying that, 'Yeah that could happen to me, too!'" Calver said.
In fact, getting a steep hospital bill is something many Americans call their biggest financial fear.
"Polling shows us that the top household pocketbook concern for consumers is a surprise medical bill," said Stacey Pogue with the Center for Public Policy Priorities, a think tank that analyzes health and economic issues in Texas. "And that's actually pretty shocking that consumers will say they are more worried about their ability to afford a surprise medical bill than their health insurance premiums [and] their really high deductibles."
Last year, a Kaiser Family Foundation poll found that 67% of people worry about unexpected medical bills — a larger share than those who say they worry about prescription drug costs or basic necessities such as rent, food and gas. (KHN is an editorially independent program of the foundation.)
Pogue said that's a big reason why lawmakers in the state took the issue seriously and passed legislation that she said is now one of the strongest state protections she has seen.
"It is as strong or stronger than any of the protections in the country," Pogue said.
In addition to Texas, neighboring states Colorado and New Mexico also passed legislation in 2019 to address the problem of surprise out-of-network bills. The Commonwealth Fund's most recent report on the issue found about half of states offer some legal protections from surprise bills, but only six states had laws that provide "comprehensive" consumer protections similar to those just passed in Texas.
Texas' new surprise bill law officially takes effect Sept. 1, 2020.
Hancock said the fight over who pays disputed bills will be back where it belongs: with insurance companies, leaving the hospitals, doctors and labs to focus on providing medical care.
"It was just time to get the patient out" of the middle of disputed bills, Hancock said.
Instead, when a hospital and insurer can't agree on a price, the two parties will have to work it out — without ever billing the patient.
"There is still the ability to negotiate," Hancock said. "You didn't have government determining what the price was or determining what the settlement was."
But not all Texans will be protected by the new law. The Texas law does not apply to people who work for large employers whose plans are regulated by the federal government. In Texas, federally regulated plans account for roughly 40% of the state's health insurance market.
In fact, Drew Calver would have been exempt from the state's protections because until recently he had a self-funded health plan regulated by the federal government. However, Drew is now part of wife Erin's health plan, which will be subject to these new protections.
Pogue said people who have federally regulated health plans will be protected only if Congress acts. She predicted the state's action will spur federal lawmakers.
"Texas passing a bill will really help on that front," she said. "There were five states, I think, in 2019 that passed bills that fully protected consumers — and every nudge like that is going to help Congress move."
Texas lawmakers passed separate legislation that could help Texans with federally regulated plans. Senate Bill 1037 prevents a surprise medical bill from affecting someone's credit, regardless of what health insurance plan they have.
Congressional leaders have said they are working on coming up with a fix for people across the country with federally regulated plans. President Donald Trump also recently held an event at the White House, with Drew and Erin Calver standing by his side, announcing his administration's support for banning surprise medical billing in the country.
The committee's chairman, Austin Democrat Lloyd Doggett, said that "federal action is essential" to addressing the issue for many Americans with federally regulated plans. He said he plans to continue to push for legislation that will "finally offer some relief to patients." However, no legislation has been passed, yet.
During his opening statements, Doggett said there is a bipartisan desire to shield patients from surprise bills, but "conflict remains over how to resolve insurer-provider disputes."
This story is part of a partnership that includes KUT, NPR and Kaiser Health News.
Experts caution that as ECMO becomes more available, it is also being used as a last-ditch attempt to buy more time for dying patients with poor chances of survival.
This article was first published on Tuesday, June 18, 2019 inKaiser Health News.
The latest miracle machine in modern medicine — whose use has skyrocketed in recent years — is saving people from the brink of death: adults whose lungs have been ravaged by the flu; a trucker who was trappedunderwater in a crash; a man whose heart had stopped working for an astonishing seven hours.
But for each adult saved by this machine — dubbed ECMO, for extracorporeal membrane oxygenation — another adult hooked up to the equipment dies in the hospital. For those patients, the intervention is a very expensive, labor-intensive and unsuccessful effort to cheat death.
ECMO, the most aggressive form of life support available, pumps blood out of the body, oxygenates it and returns it to the body, keeping a person alive for days, weeks or months, even when their heart or lungs don't work.
The invention is creating "an entirely new paradigm," said Dr. Kenneth Prager, director of clinical ethics at Columbia University Irving Medical Center. "You have a heart that's not working, yet the patient is not dead."
Most commonly used for newborns, ECMO use has been growing dramatically among adults. In the United States, procedures tripled from 2008 to 2014, up to an estimated 6,890, according to the federal Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality.
Experts caution that as ECMO becomes more available, it is also being used as a last-ditch attempt to buy more time for dying patients with poor chances of survival.
ECMO is not designed to be a destination, but a bridge to somewhere — recovery, transplantation or an implanted heart device. But when patients are too sick to reach those goals, ECMO can become a "bridge to nowhere," leaving the patient in limbo, possibly even awake and alert, but with no chance of survival outside the intensive care unit. Medical teams and families can be fiercely divided over when to pull the plug.
ECMO is very expensive, mostly due to the labor involved: A person on ECMO cannot live outside the ICU and must be continuously monitored for complications, such as blood clots, bleeding, infection and loss of blood to the limbs. Median charges for ECMO in 2014 were $550,000, making it the 15th-most-costly procedure that year, according to the AHRQ.
In one recent case, a teaching hospital charged $4.2 million for a 60-day ECMO stay for a 19-year-old man with acute respiratory distress syndrome who was comatose the entire time and did not survive, according to Dr. Merrit Quarum, CEO and founder of WellRithms, a cost-containment company. Quarum said a self-insured health plan is covering the bill.
The number of U.S. hospitals offering ECMO has more than doubled from 108 in 2008 to 264 today, according to a registry run by the Extracorporeal Life Support Organization (ELSO), which tracks most but not all programs.
"In the United States, the competition between hospitals is so intense that every hospital wants the ability to provide this level of care," said Randy Bartilson, president of the ECMO Advantage consulting firm.
But "as ECMO expands, there's still a lot of places that still don't fully understand what it can do and how to use it," he said.
Four patient stories highlight the promise — and complexities — of this game-changing technology.
The Seven-Hour Code
Dr. Jessica Zitter was working in the ICU in an Oakland, Calif., hospital one day when she got summoned for a code blue. A 60-year-old patient had arrived with a heart attack. His heart went into ventricular fibrillation, where it just wiggled like "a bag of worms," she said.
Hospital staff started pumping their palms on the man's chest and put a tube in his throat to help him breathe. Every so often, they stood back and zapped his heart with an electric shock. It didn't work. So, they strapped onto his chest a LUCAS machine, which automatically performs chest compressions like a jackhammer.
The man's oxygen levels were plummeting. At the same time, Zitter recalled, he kept moving, giving her the feeling there was a life to be saved. The medical team decided to go to the next level: ECMO. Everyone waited, with the jackhammering compressions still going, as an ECMO team scrambled to get there from another hospital across the city.
Zitter watched in awe as the ECMO team from the University of California-San Francisco got to work. They stuck one huge tube in a femoral artery and one in a femoral vein. As they pumped his blood out, it was black from deoxygenation. But after it ran through the ECMO machine, she recalled, it transformed into a bright red.
Once on ECMO, the patient didn't need his heart, so it could sit idle and recover. Zitter watched as oxygen returned to his body and brain. He was whisked back to UCSF.
Zitter, who has written about the overuse of modern technology to prolong death, wasn't optimistic. The patient had coded, with people and machines ramming his failing heart, for an astonishing seven hours before ECMO arrived. But as she kept tabs on the patient, she was amazed to learn that he was able to recover and go home.
The case was a "big shocker," Zitter said.
But it was "a crazy, crazy, crazy outlier case with a crazy, crazy, crazy outlier response," she cautioned. "When these kinds of things happen, people tend to look at them and assume that they will have the same odds. The reality is that they won't."
When patients receive ECPR (ECMO for cardiopulmonary resuscitation), only 29% make it out of the hospital alive, according to international statistics from ELSO. Survival rates are higher for people who use ECMO for only the lungs (59%) or only the heart (42%), according to ELSO.
Saving 'Santa'
A more common outcome for ECPR looks something like what Dr. Haider Warraich of Duke University Medical Center came across three or four years ago during his cardiology training.
Warraich was called to the waiting area of a lung transplant clinic, where a man in his 60s had collapsed on the floor due to a heart attack. The man, who had white hair and a scraggly beard, played Santa every Christmas, Warraich later learned. "Santa" — as Warraich refers to him in his upcoming book, "State of the Heart" — had received a new set of lungs after his were wrecked by smoking and lung disease.
The man's heart, starved of oxygen, sped up into a malignant rhythm. CPR and electric shocks didn't bring it back. Motivated to save not only the patient but the new set of lungs he had received, the team called in ECMO.
The ECMO squad arrived with catheters "the size of small javelins," Warraich recalled. Once Santa was hooked up on ECMO, the exhausted CPR team could stop. Cardiologists did surgery on a blocked artery, but they never got his heart back to normal. The man lingered for a month, using ECMO for his heart, a ventilator for his lungs and dialysis for his kidneys, before he died.
In this case, using ECMO felt appropriate, Warraich said. But he said doctors need more guidance to determine which patients would benefit the most and to prevent overuse.
"If you have someone who is dying in front of you, it's really hard to step back and think about it," he said.
The technology, developed in the 1970s, was initially used primarily for newborns. Early clinical trials in adults were discouraging. But in 2009, the CESAR trial in the United Kingdom showed positive results for ECMO in adults with severe respiratory failure. Those findings, combined with improved technology and an epidemic of swine flu, prompted a swift growth of ECMO among adults. The average age for U.S. adults receiving ECMO is 51, one study found. About 1 in 10 ECMO cases are for people over 65.
Warraich and other experts say they are now concerned that new organ-donation rules may inadvertently spur hospitals to place more patients on ECMO: Under guidelinesapproved by the Organ Procurement and Transplantation Network last October, patients on ECMO jump to the front of the heart transplant waiting list.
An 'Unbearable' Choice
Once a patient is on ECMO, deciding when to stop can cause moral distress and division among medical staff, said Dr. Robert Truog, director of the Center for Bioethics at Harvard Medical School.
In one case Truog described in The Lancet, a 17-year-old boy came to the ICU at Boston Children's Hospital, where Truog works as a physician. The boy, who had already had one lung transplantation for cystic fibrosis, was now in end-stage respiratory failure. The only way to save his life was to give him another set of lungs. He started on ECMO as a bridge therapy while he awaited transplantation.
The boy was fully conscious, doing homework, texting friends and visiting with family. But after two months of living in the ICU, he was diagnosed with untreatable cancer that made him ineligible to receive new lungs.
Clinicians were deeply divided over what to do next, Truog said. Some wanted to stop ECMO immediately because its original goal — a bridge to transplantation — was no longer possible.
Others argued that even though he couldn't survive outside the ICU, the boy seemed to have a good quality of life on ECMO, and his family and friends "derived benefits from his continued survival," Truog wrote. They argued that the family should have the right to continue this form of life support, just as with dialysis, ventilation or an artificial heart.
A third argument arose, Truog said: If leaving this patient on ECMO was appropriate, then in fairness "why don't we put everyone with respiratory failure on ECMO?"
For the parents, Truog said, it was "unbearable" to choose a day or moment to turn off ECMO, because they knew their child would immediately die.
Clinicians devised an alternative the family would agree to: They decided not to replace the ECMO oxygenator, a part that needs to be changed every week or two when it develops blood clots. After about a week, the oxygenator gradually failed and the patient lost consciousness and died, Truog said.
The solution "allowed him to die in a way where we didn't feel like we were choosing the moment of his death," he said.
The solution was not optimal, Truog said. But "no matter how you do this, it's going to be very emotionally upsetting to everyone. These are the cases that make some people leave the profession because they're so hard."
A Long Goodbye
Karen Ayoub had never heard of ECMO until her husband became direly ill.
Philip Ayoub, 58, an accountant and former comptroller for the National Football League, was a "huge personality" and a family man; the couple raised twin boys in Greenwich, Conn. Heart disease, which ran in his family, hit him early: He had his first coronary bypass surgery at age 30 and his second at 43, she said.
"He knew that his life might be foreshortened" and "tried to pack as much living into it as possible," said Karen Ayoub, 55. Her husband told her he didn't want any extraordinary lifesaving measures — he was happy with the life he had lived, she said.
In December 2017, he had a third bypass surgery at a hospital on Long Island, and it didn't go well. His heart was weaker than anticipated. He became unconscious, and it wasn't clear if he would ever wake up. He was transferred to Columbia University Irving Medical Center, which has an ECMO program.
Karen Ayoub said it was a fairly easy decision to put her husband on ECMO: "I thought he deserved any chance possible to recover," she said. But she didn't know how he'd react.
"I wasn't sure if he was going to wake up and say, 'Why did you do this? I didn't want any of this!'" she recalled.
When her husband regained consciousness, he mouthed the words: "Why am I here?"
He remained in the ICU for two months, on a feeding tube, breathing tube, ECMO and dialysis. His time there was not easy, she said: Her husband, who had endured a series of mini-strokes during the bypass surgery, began to experience post-traumatic stress disorder, night terrors and side effects from medications.
The only option for further treatment, she said, was to get an implanted device that would help his heart pump. But as he weighed that decision, and the quality of life he would have, the window of time closed when he was eligible for the device, Karen Ayoub said.
When further treatment became out of reach, it was clear her husband was going to die.
"His body was failing him," Karen Ayoub said. "It was time."
She said the two months in the ICU felt like "a gift," because she and her children got to spend extra time with her husband.
"I'll always love you, I'll always be with you," he told his wife over and over during that time.
She said she would make the same choice again to initiate ECMO, but "I don't know about him — he was the one laying in that bed for two months, being tortured by needles and night visions."
After they ran out of treatment options, the family gave permission for the hospital to discontinue life support. Philip wasn't afraid, she said: As his final day approached, he told her, "I can't wait to see what comes next."
Philip was sedated before ECMO was turned off. Karen Ayoub laid her head on her husband's chest and held his hands as he died.
"It was peaceful and respectful," she said, "exactly what he wanted."
'Futile' Care
While the Ayoub family bravely accepted their fate, other families can't bring themselves to let go, said Dr. Shunichi Nakagawa, a palliative care doctor at Columbia who cared for Philip Ayoub.
Some ECMO patients have severe, irreversible brain damage, can't participate in decision-making and bear no chance of making it out of the hospital alive. For them, ECMO represents "the most extreme form of medical futility," Nakagawa argued in an article he and Prager co-authoredwith a colleague in the journal Circulation. They argue that clinicians should have the authority to end or limit life support in such hopeless cases, even if the family objects.
Whether they can do that depends on where they practice: Laws in states such as Idaho, Oklahoma and New York make it difficult to withdraw life-sustaining treatment like ECMO without consent from patients or their families, said Thaddeus Mason Pope, director of the Health Law Institute at Mitchell Hamline School of Law in St. Paul, Minn. But in states like California, Texas and Virginia, clinicians may withdraw ECMO without consent, he said.
Dr. Robert Bartlett, a pioneer of the ECMO field and professor emeritus at the University of Michigan, said he trains doctors that once ECMO becomes a bridge to nowhere, they should tell the family, "We talked about futility, and now we're there. So we're going to turn the circuit off tomorrow."
"It's extremely discourteous to the family to ask the family what to do," he said.
At Cedars-Sinai Medical Center in Los Angeles — where patients with poor chances of survival were being put on ECMO, and families were getting conflicting messages about the potential benefit — staff launched an improvement effort that has created more consensus and consistency around appropriate ECMO care, according to Dr. Michael Nurok, medical director of the cardiac surgery ICU.
At the University of Southern California's Keck Hospital, every family of an ECMO patient meets weekly with palliative care and other clinicians to talk about goals of care — conversations that have been "transformative" for families, said Dr. Sunita Puri, medical director of palliative medicine and supportive care.
In Boston, Dr. Daniela Lamas, a critical care doctor at Brigham and Women's Hospital, said she has seen ECMO's promise and its limitations.
"With every escalation and fancy machine comes a lot of hope," Lamas said. "It's really hard to temper that hope with the realities that with each new thing comes a host of ethical questions and dilemmas."
ECMO, she said, is "a fantastic example of 'just because you can, doesn't mean you should.'"
Spinal surgery made it possible for Liv Cannon to plant her first vegetable garden.
"It's a lot of bending over and lifting the wheelbarrow and putting stakes in the ground," the 26-year-old said as she surveyed the tomatillos, cherry tomatoes and eggplant growing in raised beds behind her house in Austin, Texas. "And none of that I could ever do before."
For as long as she could remember, Cannon's activities were limited by chronic pain and muscle weakness.
"There was a lot of pain in my legs, which I can now recognize as nerve pain," she said. "There was a lot of pain in my back, which I thought was, you know, just something everybody lived with."
Cannon saw many doctors over the years. But they couldn't explain what was going on. She'd pretty much given up on finding an answer for her pain until her fiancé, Cole Chiumento, pushed her to try one more time.
"It never improved, it never got better," Chiumento said. "That just didn't sound right to me."
So about two years ago, Cannon went to a specialist, who ordered a scan of her spine. A few days later, her phone rang.
"We found something on your MRI," a voice said.
The images showed that Cannon had been born with diastematomyelia, a rare disorder related to spina bifida. It causes the spinal cord to split in two.
In Cannon's case, the disorder also led to a tumor that trapped her spinal cord, causing it to stretch as she grew.
In December 2017, a neurosurgeon opened her spinal column and operated for several hours, freeing the cord.
"I think it was day three after my surgery I could feel the difference," Cannon said. "There was just a pain that wasn't there anymore."
As she recovered, Cannon saw lots of huge medical bills go by. They were all covered by her insurance plan. Almost a year had passed since the operation.
Then a new bill came.
Patient: Liv Cannon, 26, of Austin, Texas. At the time of her surgery, she was a graduate student insured with Blue Cross and Blue Shield of Texas through her job at the University of Texas.
Total bill: $94,031 for neuromonitoring services. The bill was submitted to Blue Cross and Blue Shield of Texas, which covered $815.69 of the amount and informed her she was responsible for the balance. The insurer covered all of Cannon's other medical bills, which came to more than $100,000, including those from the hospital, surgeon and anesthesiologist.
Service provider: Traxx Medical Holdings LLC, an Austin company that provides neuromonitoring during spinal surgery. Neuromonitoring uses electrical signals to detect when a surgeon is causing damage to nerves.
Medical service: Cannon was born with a rare spinal condition that had caused chronic pain and muscle weakness since she was a child. In December 2017, she had successful spinal surgery to correct the problem. Her surgeon requested neuromonitoring during the operation.
What gives: Neuromonitoring made sense for the type of surgery Cannon had. The bill did not. Cannon should have been warned long before her surgery that the neuromonitoring company would be an out-of-network provider whose fees might not be covered by her insurer.
At first, she was baffled by the billing information Blue Cross sent her. "It was one of those things from the insurance company that says this is the amount we cover and this is the amount you might owe your provider," she said, referring to her explanation of benefits.
The statement listed four separate charges from the day of her surgery. Each was described as a "diagnostic medical exam." Together, they came to $94,031.
Blue Cross said the covered amount was $815.69 — minus a $750 deductible and $26.27 for coinsurance — and informed Cannon she might have to pay the balance: $93,991.58.
"I was shocked," she said. Chiumento was outraged.
"As soon as I saw that, I thought it was a scam," he said.
The charge came from Traxx Medical Holdings LLC, an Austin company. Traxx did not respond to emails, phone calls and a fax seeking comment on the charge.
The company's websiteshows that Traxx provides a service called intra-operative neuromonitoring, which evaluates the function of nerves during surgery. The goal is to help a surgeon avoid causing permanent damage to the nervous system.
There is an ongoing debate about whether neuromonitoring is needed for all spinal surgery. But it is standard for a complicated operation like the one Cannon had, said Rich Vogel, president of the American Society of Neurophysiological Monitoring.
On the other hand, a $94,000 charge for the service can't be justified, Vogel said.
"You're not going to meet anybody who believes that a hundred thousand dollars or more is reasonable for neuromonitoring," Vogel said.
Most neuromonitoring companies charge reasonable fees for a valuable service and are upfront about their ownership and financial arrangements, he said. But some companies are greedy and submit huge bills to an insurance company, hoping they won't be challenged, he added.
Even worse, "some neuromonitoring groups charge excessive fees in order to gain business by paying the money back to surgeons," Vogel said.
Last year, Vogel's group published aposition statement condemning these "kickback arrangements" and other unethical business practices.
It is unclear whether Traxx has any financial arrangements with surgeons. Cannon's surgeon did not respond to requests for comment.
The size of the fee for Cannon's monitoring was only part of the problem. The other part was that Traxx — unlike her hospital, doctor and anesthesiologist — had no contract with Blue Cross and Blue Shield of Texas. As an out-of-network provider, the company could set its fees and try to collect from Cannon any amount it didn't get from her insurer.
Blue Cross and Blue Shield of Texas said it doesn't comment on problems affecting individual members. But the insurer did offer a general statement by email about the problem:
"Unfortunately, non-contracted providers can expose our members to significantly greater out-of-pocket costs. These charges often have no connection to underlying market prices, costs or quality. If given the opportunity, we will try to negotiate with the provider to reduce the cost."
One thing working against Cannon is that she is pretty sure that, just before surgery, she signed a paper that authorized the out-of-network neuromonitoring.
"It was 4:30 in the morning and you're like, 'OK, let's get this over with,'" she recalled.
Getting consent in the hospital may be legal, but it's not reasonable, said Dr. Arthur Garson Jr., who directs the Health Policy Institute at the Texas Medical Center in Houston.
For example, a patient might be having a heart attack, Garson said. "You got chest pain, you're sweating, sick as you can be, and they hand you a piece of paper and they say, 'Sign here.'"
The Texas Legislature passed a bill in May to protect patients from the sky-high bills this practice can produce. And Congress is considering similar legislation.
These are small steps in the right direction, Garson said.
"Asking the individual patient to make that decision even when they're not sick I think is difficult," he said, "and maybe we ought to think of some better way to do it."
The Texas legislation is expected to take effect later this year but affects only bills that occur after it becomes law. So that $94,000 figure is never far from Cannon's mind, even as she and Chiumento plan their wedding.
"Every time I go out and I collect the mail, I'm wondering, 'Is this the day it's going to show up and we're going to have to deal with this?'" she said.
The Takeaway: Neuromonitoring during complex surgery involving the spine can help prevent inadvertent damage. But monitoring may be unnecessary for lower-risk back operations, like spinal fusion.
It is odd that neuromonitoring is charged as a separate service, rather than part of the spine surgery. Cardiac monitoring is not charged separately during bypass surgery, for example.
When considering spine surgery, ask your doctor whether neuromonitoring will be part of the procedure. If so, will it be billed separately? Try to find out the name of the provider and get an estimate of the cost beforehand.
Check with your insurer to determine if the neuromonitoring provider is within your network and to make sure the estimated charge would be covered.
Bill of the Month is a crowdsourced investigation by Kaiser Health News and NPR that dissects and explains medical bills. Do you have an interesting medical bill you want to share with us? Tell us about it!
In April 2018, 9-year-old Christian Bolling was hiking with his parents and sister in Virginia's Blue Ridge Mountains, near their home in Roanoke. While climbing some boulders, he lost his footing and fell down a rocky 20-foot drop, fracturing both bones in his lower left leg, his wrist, both sides of his nose and his skull.
A rescue squad carried him out of the woods, and a helicopter flew him to a pediatric hospital trauma unit in Roanoke.
Most of Christian's care was covered by his parents' insurance. But one bill stood out. Med-Trans, the air ambulance company, was not part of the family's health plan network and billed $36,000 for the 34-mile trip from the mountain to the hospital. It was greater than the cost of his two-day hospitalization, scans and cast combined.
"When you're in that moment, you're only thinking about the life of your child," said Christian's mother, Cynthia Bolling, an occupational therapist. "I know that I am being taken advantage of. It's just wrong."
The rising number of complaints about surprise medical bills is spurring efforts on Capitol Hill and at the White House to help consumers. Over and over again, the high cost associated with air ambulance service gives patients the biggest sticker shock — the subject has come up at nearly every Capitol Hill hearing and press conference on surprise medical bills.
Yet air ambulance costs are not addressed in any of the proposals introduced or circulating in Congress. Even a congressional decision last year to set up a panel that would study air ambulance billing hasn't gotten off the ground.
"We're doing a disservice to patients if we protect them from hospital bills but bankrupt them on the way there," said James Gelfand, senior vice president for health policy for the ERISA Industry Committee, known as ERIC, a trade association for large employers.
The issue came up again Wednesday at a House Energy and Commerce subcommittee hearing where Rick Sherlock, president and CEO of the Association of Air Medical Services, the industry group for air ambulances, was among eight witnesses.
Rep. Ben Ray Luján (D-N.M.) sharply questioned Sherlock why costs for air ambulance services have risen by 300 percent in his state since 2006.
"I'm trying to get my hands around why this is costing so much and why so many of my constituents are being hit by surprise bills," Luján said.
Sherlock said that reimbursements from Medicare and Medicaid do not cover the cost of providing services, so charges to private patients must make up that difference.
Air ambulances serve more than 550,000 patients a year, according to industry data, and in many rural areas air ambulances are the only speedy way to get patients to trauma centers and burn units. As more than 100 rural hospitals have closed around the country since 2010, the need has increased for air services.
More than 80 million people can get to a Level 1 or 2 trauma center within an hour only if they're flown by helicopter, according to Sherlock.
The service, though, comes at a cost. According to a recent report from the Government Accountability Office, two-thirds of the more than 34,000 air ambulance transports examined were not in the patients' insurance networks. That can leave patients on the hook for the charges their insurers don't cover, a practice known as "balance billing."
In 2017, GAO found that the median price charged nationally by air ambulance providers was around $36,400 for helicopter rides and even higher for other aircraft. The total generally includes the costs for both the transportation and the medical care aboard the aircraft.
Additionally, the ongoing "Bill of the Month" investigativeseries by Kaiser Health News and NPR has received more than a dozen such bills, ranging from $28,000 to $97,000.
Cynthia Bolling said her insurance company paid about a third of Christian's air ambulance bill and the family settled this week with Med Trans by agreeing to pay $4,400 out-of-pocket.
Reid Vogel, director of marketing and communications for Med Trans, said the company cannot talk about a private patient because of privacy rules. But he added that the company works with patients to find "equitable solutions" when their bills are not covered by insurance.
Since nearly three-quarters of flights are for patients insured by low-paying Medicare, Tricare and Medicaid, he said, "providers must shift costs to insured patients."
Private insurers usually will pay only an amount close to what Medicare reimburses, which is around $6,500. That gives air ambulance companies an incentive to remain out-of-network, according to a 2017 GAO report.
"A representative from a large independent provider noted that being out of network with insurance is advantageous to the provider because a patient receiving a balance bill will ask for a higher payment from the insurance company, which often results in higher payment to the air ambulance provider than having a pre-negotiated payment rate with the insurer," the GAO said.
In an interview, Sherlock, of the trade association, disputed the report's findings, saying his members are actively trying to be in-network in more places, although he couldn't provide any specific numbers.
"I think that everywhere they can, they're incentivized to be in-network," he said.
States are hampered in their efforts to ease the strain for residents.
The Airline Deregulation Act of 1978, which was intended to encourage more competition, forbids states to regulate prices for any air carrier, which applies to air ambulances. What's more, many large employers' health insurance is not governed by states but regulated by the federal labor law, known as ERISA.
So a remedy likely has to come from Congress. And it's proven to be a heavy lift.
For example, the committees that deal with regulation of the air industry — the Commerce Committee in the Senate and the Transportation Committee in the House — don't make health policy or regulate health insurance.
Last year, some lawmakers sought to let states regulate air ambulances with a provision in the bill reauthorizing the Federal Aviation Administration.
But that measure was ultimately eliminated. Instead, the bill called for the creation of an advisory committee to study air ambulance prices and surprise bills.
"The air ambulance lobby did a very good job playing defense during FAA authorization," said ERIC's Gelfand.
The panel, which was supposed to be formed within 60 days of the law's enactment date — Oct. 5 — still has not been created.
Representatives from the air ambulance industry don't think congressional action is necessary, although they are calling for higher reimbursements from Medicare.
Chris Eastlee, vice president for government relations for the Association of Air Medical Services, said his group does not favor more congressional regulation of prices but would support mandatory disclosure of costs to the secretary of Health and Human Services. The organization argues that greater transparency will help companies negotiate more in-network contracts.
A fix for surprise bills supported by some researchers and advocates would require every provider within a medical facility to accept any insurance plan that contracts with that hospital. It might also help bring down air ambulance bills, said Loren Adler, associate director of USC-Brookings Schaeffer Initiative for Health Policy.
It would avoid the situation where someone picks an in-network hospital only to find out that a surgeon or anesthesiologist at that hospital doesn't take their insurance. Air transport should also be included in the rule, he said.
"It's the exact same situation as with the out-of-network emergency facility rates," Adler said. "The same solutions should apply."
Gelfand suggested also that the House Ways and Means Committee mandate that air ambulance companies seeking to participate in Medicare must charge in-network rates.
That would require only a small tweak of the legislative language, as he sees it. "Every proposal that includes something to address surprise bills for emergency care, all you have to do is add in the words 'air ambulances,'" Gelfand said.
Right now, the closest any surprise billing proposal has come to addressing air ambulances is a draft legislative plan on medical costs from Sen. Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.) and Sen. Patty Murray (D-Wash.). They would require bills for air ambulance trips to be itemized to show both medical charges and the transportation charges so patients and health plans can understand them better.
The man was out of his wheelchair and lay flat on his back just off San Francisco's Market Street, waiting for the hypodermic needle to pierce his skin and that familiar euphoric feeling to wash over him.
The old-timer, who appeared to be in his 60s, could not find a viable vein, so a 38-year-old man named Daniel Hogan helped him. Hogan, a longtime drug user originally from St. Louis, leaned over the older man, eyeing his neck as he readied a syringe loaded with the powerful synthetic opioid fentanyl.
Hogan called the man a "jellyfish" because most of his veins had collapsed from years of intravenous drug use and he rarely bled when pricked. But the older guy still had his jugular vein, and for Hogan that would work just fine.
Hogan's hands were pink and swollen, bearing scars and scabs from years of daily drug use and the harshness of life on the streets. But those hands were skilled in the art of street phlebotomy. He slid the needle into the man's neck and pushed the plunger.
Hogan, who said he had taken fentanyl every day for the past two months, explained that he'd developed a tolerance for the drug, and the dose he gave himself would kill a less experienced user. So, he gave the older man only a fraction of that amount.
In case it was too much, Hogan was ready with a vial of naloxone, the overdose-reversal drug.
Grim drug scenes like this play out every day on the streets surrounding San Francisco's Civic Center — an area that spans the hard-luck sidewalks of the Tenderloin district and the transitional Mid-Market neighborhood, home to tech titans Twitter and Uber.
The area has become a beachhead for fentanyl, which has killed tens of thousands across the United States and is beginning to make itself felt in California.
The drug, which can shut down breathing in less than a minute, became the leading cause of opioid deaths in the United States in 2016. It is increasingly sought out by drug users, who crave its powerful high.
They feel a measure of security because many of their peers carry naloxone, which can quickly restore their breathing if they overdose.
Data suggests that in San Francisco the users may be reversing as many overdoses as paramedics — or more. In both cases, numbers have risen sharply in recent years.
In 2018, San Francisco paramedics administered naloxone to 1,647 people, up from 980 two years earlier, according to numbers from the city's emergency response system.
That compares with 1,658 naloxone-induced overdose reversals last year by laypeople, most of them drug users, according to self-reported data from the DOPE Project, a Bay Area overdose prevention program run by the publicly funded Harm Reduction Coalition. That's nearly double the 2016 figure.
"People who use drugs are the primary witnesses to overdose," said Eliza Wheeler, the national overdose response strategist for the coalition. "So it would make sense that when they are equipped with naloxone, they are much more likely to reverse an overdose."
The widespread availability of naloxone has radically changed the culture of opioid use on the streets, Hogan said. "In the past, if you OD'd, man, it was like you were really rolling the dice." Now, he said, people take naloxone for granted.
"I feel like as long as there is Narcan around, the opiates can't kill you," said Nick Orlick, 26, referring to one of the brand names for the overdose reversal drug.
As he huddled in the recess of a building along Mission Street, around the corner from high-rise luxury apartments, Orlick explained that he'd been revived with naloxone 15 times in recent years.
Despite fentanyl's growing presence in San Francisco and other parts of California, it has not hit the Golden State nearly as hard as the rest of the country.
In 2017, 28,466 people across the U.S. died from overdoses involving synthetic opioids, which include fentanyl and related compounds, according to data from the Kaiser Family Foundation. California, which represents 12% of the country's population, had 536 of those deaths — fewer than 2% of the total. (Kaiser Health News, which produces California Healthline, is an editorially independent program of the foundation.)
However, use of fentanyl is likely to grow in San Francisco and Los Angeles, as people get accustomed to it and begin to prefer its more intense high, said Ricky Bluthenthal, professor of preventive medicine at the Keck School of Medicine of the University of Southern California, who researches injection drug use.
In California, as in many other states west of the Mississippi, heroin is smuggled in the form of a gooey or hard black tar. This "black tar" heroin, "a well-known garbage drug," is diluted with fillers, which induces some users to seek out the much more powerful effects of fentanyl, said Kristen Marshall, manager of the DOPE Project.
Fentanyl is dangerous not only because it is up to 50 times more potent than heroin, but also because people often take it unknowingly when their dealers mix it in with street drugs such as heroin. However, the black tar is difficult to mix with fentanyl, and that may help protect drug users who might otherwise ingest it unwittingly, experts say.
But even if they overdose on fentanyl, it's not necessarily a death sentence. The widespread practice by community organizations in San Francisco and Los Angeles of distributing naloxone to the drug-using population also helps explain California's lower rate of deaths from fentanyl and other opioids, harm reduction workers and researchers say.
On the streets around San Francisco's Civic Center, homeless drug users gather on sidewalks with their dogs, some huddling under blankets to smoke their white, powdered fentanyl through hollowed-out pens. Others inject it, often ducking into alcoves, alleys or tents for a fleeting moment of privacy amid the bustle of government employees, tourists and tech workers. Some of them overdose in plain sight.
They employ various methods to reduce the overdose risk. Some, like Daniel Hogan, take methamphetamine or smoke crack between injections to keep themselves alert. Another technique is to delay the full dose by pushing the plunger only partway down.
If gathered as a group, they often stagger their fentanyl use so one of them will be physically able to administer naloxone.
One recent May afternoon near Market Street, a thin man in his early 40s who called himself Bud slid a needle into his arm and slowly pushed the plunger down, stopping every so often to gauge the effects of the fentanyl.
"Hey, stop there. Pull it out," said his friend Seth Carus, 55. Bud's eyes were vacant and his mouth drooped — telltale signs the fentanyl had taken hold.
Bud, wearing tight clothing and a blue beret, didn't listen. He pushed the plunger all the way. Five minutes later, the color drained from his face, his eyes opened wide, his jaw locked and his entire body went stiff as he lay on the sidewalk.
Carus, living on the streets and a fentanyl user himself, sprang into action. He prepared a shot of naloxone and told a bystander to call 911.
But before Carus could administer the overdose reversal drug, Bud began to stir. Carus cradled him in his arms as the police arrived, followed quickly by the paramedics, who put Bud in an ambulance.
Carus blamed himself as he bent over and cried. The fentanyl was his, and he had been trying to do Bud a favor by getting him high.
A while later, Bud emerged from the ambulance and embraced his friend. "You did the right thing, man," he told Carus. "I did the shitty drug addict thing. You said to stop, and I didn't listen."
A new Trump administration proposal would change the civil rights rules dictating whether providers must care for patients who are transgender or have had an abortion. Supporters of the approach say it protects the freedom of conscience, but opponents say it encourages discrimination.
The sweeping proposal has implications for all Americans, though, because the Department of Health and Human Services seeks to change how far civil rights protections extend and how those protections are enforced.
Roger Severino, the director of the HHS Office for Civil Rights, has been candid about his intentions to overturn an Obama-era rule that prohibited discrimination based on gender identity and termination of a pregnancy. In 2016, while at the conservative Heritage Foundation, he co-authored a paper arguing the restrictions threaten the independence of physicians to follow their religious or moral beliefs.
His office unveiled the proposed rule on May 24, when many people were focused on the start of the long Memorial Day holiday weekend.
The rule is the latest Trump administration proposal to strip protections for transgender Americans, coming the same week another directivewas proposed by the Department of Housing and Urban Development that would allow homeless shelters to turn away people based on their gender identity.
The public was given 60 days to comment on the HHS proposal. Here's a rundown of what you need to know about it.
What would this proposal do?
Fundamentally, the proposed rule would overturn a previous rule that forbids healthcare providers who receive federal funding from discriminating against patients on the basis of their gender identity or whether they have terminated a pregnancy.
The Trump administration proposal would eliminate those protections, enabling providers to deny these groups care or insurance coverage without having to pay a fine or suffer other federal consequences.
That may mean refusing a transgender patient mental healthcare or gender-confirming surgery. But it may also mean denying patients care that has nothing to do with gender identity, such as a regular office visit for a bad cold or ongoing treatment for chronic conditions like diabetes.
"What it does, from a very practical point of view, is that it empowers bad actors to be bad actors," Mara Keisling, executive director of the National Center for Transgender Equality, told reporters.
The proposal would also eliminate protections based on sexual orientation and gender identity from several other healthcare regulations, like non-discrimination guidelines for the healthcare insurance marketplaces.
Does it affect only LGBTQ people?
The proposal goes beyond removing protections for the LGBTQ community and those who have had an abortion.
It appears to weaken other protections, such as those based on race or age, by limiting who must abide by the rules. The Trump proposal would scrap the Obama-era rule's broad definition of which providers can be punished by federal health officials for discrimination, a complicated change critics have said could ease requirements for insurance companies, for instance, as well as the agency itself.
And the proposal erases many of the enforcement procedures outlined in the earlier rule, including its explicit ban on intimidation or retaliation. It also delegates to Severino, as the office's director, full enforcement authority when it comes to things like opening investigations into complaints lodged under the non-discrimination rule.
Why did HHS decide to change the rule?
The Obama and Trump administrations have different opinions about whether a healthcare provider should be able to refuse service to patients because they are transgender or have had an abortion.
It all goes back to a section in the Affordable Care Act barring discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, age, disability or sex. President Barack Obama's health officials said it is discrimination to treat someone differently based on gender identity or stereotypes.
It was the first time Americans who are transgender were protected from discrimination in healthcare.
But President Donald Trump's health officials said that definition of sex discrimination misinterprets civil rights laws, particularly a religious freedom law used to shield providers who object to performing certain procedures, such as abortions, or treating certain patients because they conflict with their religious convictions.
"When Congress prohibited sex discrimination, it did so according to the plain meaning of the term, and we are making our regulations conform," Severino said in a statement. "The American people want vigorous protection of civil rights and faithfulness to the text of the laws passed by their representatives."
Much of what the Office for Civil Rights has done under Severino's leadership is to emphasize and strengthen so-called conscience protections for healthcare providers, many of which existed well before Trump was sworn in. Last year, Severino unveiled a Conscience and Religious Freedom Division, and his office recently finalized another rule detailing those protections and their enforcement.
The office also said the proposed rule would save about $3.6 billion over five years. Most of that would come from eliminating requirements for providers to post notices about discrimination, as well as other measures that cater to those with disabilities and limited English proficiency.
The rule would also save providers money that might instead be spent handling grievances from those no longer protected.
The office "considers this a benefit of the rule," said Katie Keith, co-founder of Out2Enroll, an organization that helps the LGBTQ community obtain health insurance. "Organizations will have lower labor costs and lower litigation costs because they will no longer have to process grievances or defend against lawsuits brought by transgender people."
Why does this matter?
Research shows the LGBTQ community faces greater health challenges and higher rates of illness than other groups, making access to equitable treatment in healthcare all the more important.
Discrimination, from the misuse of pronouns to denials of care, is "commonplace" for transgender patients, according to a 2011 report by advocacy groups. The report found that 28% of the 6,450 transgender and gender non-conforming people interviewed said they had experienced verbal harassment in a healthcare setting, while 19% said they had been refused care due to their gender identity.
The report said 28% had postponed seeking medical attention when they were sick or injured because of discrimination.
Critics fear the rule would muddy the waters, giving patients less clarity on what is and is not permissible and how to get help when they have been the victims of discrimination.
Jocelyn Samuels, the Obama administration official who oversaw the implementation of the Obama-era rule, said that for now, even though the Trump administration's HHS will not pursue complaints against those providers, Americans still have the right to challenge this treatment in court. Multiple courts have said the prohibition on sex discrimination includes gender identity.
"The administration should be in the business of expanding access to healthcare and health coverage," Samuels told reporters on a conference call after the rule's release. "And my fear is that this rule does just the opposite."