Prices of drugs from overseas pharmacies can be as much as 70% lower than what people pay in the U.S. because the costs are regulated by the foreign governments.
This story was first published Wednesday, March 6, 2019, byKaiser Health News.
Cities and local governments in several states said they will continue to use a Canadian company to offer employees prescription drugs at a highly reduced price, even though federal officials raised safety concerns about the practice last week.
The municipalities use CanaRx, which connects their employees with brick-and-mortar pharmacies in Canada, Great Britain and Australia to fill prescriptions.
In a letter Thursday to CanaRx, the Food and Drug Administration said the company has sent "unapproved" and "misbranded" drugs to U.S. consumers, jeopardizing their safety.
The FDA urged consumers not to use any medicines from CanaRx, which works with about500 cities, counties, school districts and private employers to arrange drug purchases. Some of these employers have used the service as far back as 2004.
Prices of drugs from overseas pharmacies can be as much as 70% lower than what people pay in the U.S. because the costs are regulated by the foreign governments.
FDA officials would not explain why they waited more than a decade to act. They acknowledged the agency had no reports of anyone harmed by drugs received through CanaRx.
The FDA made its warning as Congress and the Trump administration look into ways to lower drug prices. Last month, Florida Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis said he has President Donald Trump’s backing to start a program to begin importing drugs from Canada for state residents.
After DeSantis' comments, White House officials stressed that any such plan must get state and federal approvals.
The FDA said that in most cases importing drugs for personal use is illegal, although it very rarely has tried to stop Americans from bringing drugs across the Canadian border. It has not stopped retail stores in Floridathat help consumers buy drugs from Canada since 2003. Nine storefronts were raided by FDA officials in 2017, although the FDA has allowed them to continue operating.
Schenectady County in New York, which has worked with CanaRx since 2004, defended its relationship and had no immediate plans to end it, according to Chris Gardner, the county attorney. "We will wait to see how this plays out, but right now it's status quo," Gardner said.
He said CanaRx, which is headquartered in Windsor, Ontario, helped the county save $500,000 on drug costs in 2018. About 25% of the county's 1,200 workers use the program and get their drugs with no out-of-pocket costs. If they use American pharmacies, they generally have a copayment.
"This is a good program, and on the merits it looks lawful, and they are not doing the terrible things that the FDA is suggesting," Gardner said.
CanaRx officials denied they were breaking any laws or putting Americans' health at risk. They say they are not an online pharmacy but a broker between brick-and-mortar pharmacies in Canada, Australia and Great Britain and U.S. employees. People can buy drugs via CanaRx only with a prescription from their doctor.
The company said it has no plans to stop distributing drugs.
"The FDA's characterizations of the CanaRx business model and operating protocols are completely wrong," said Joseph Morris, a Chicago-based lawyer for the company. "It is not possible to place an order via any CanaRx website; the websites are informational only."
Morris said the FDA notice prompted calls from many municipalities but all so far say they plan to stick with the company.
Columbia County, N.Y., has been using CanaRx for about a decade and the savings allows it to offer employees drugs with no out-of-pocket costs instead of paying up to a $40 copay in local pharmacies.
"This is bull," Stephen Acciani, an insurance broker who works with the county, said of the FDA crackdown. "They are not selling unsafe medications." His recommendation would be for the county, which has more than 600 employees on its health plan, to continue using CanaRx.
He noted that employees receive drugs through the mail in their original packaging from manufacturers.
Kate Sharry, a benefits consultant to the city ofFall River, Mass., and more than 100 other municipalities in Massachusetts, said, "It will give some clients pause. How can you not pay attention to this from the FDA?" But she expects the local governments to stay with CanaRx.
Federal health officials under both Republican and Democratic administrations have blocked efforts to legalize importing drugs, saying it’s too risky.
"Sometimes a bargain is too expensive," said Peter Pitts, a former FDA associate commissioner and president of the Center for Medicine in the Public Interest, a New York-based nonprofit that receives some of its funding from drugmakers.
Pitts, who applauded the FDA action, said it's difficult for consumers to know when their pills from foreign pharmacies don't have the correct potency or ingredients. He said doctors may also not realize a patient’s problem stems from issues with the medicine. Instead, the physicians may just change the medication’s dosages. He said it is not safe for Americans to buy drugs that are imported through foreign pharmacies.
Gabriel Levitt, president of PharmacyChecker.com, a website for U.S. consumers that verifies international pharmacies offering drugs online, said CanaRx is one of the safest ways for Americans to get drugs from legitimate pharmacies in Canada and other industrialized counties.
He said the FDA is trying to intimidate CanaRx and its local government clients. "My biggest fear is they will scare consumers and they won't take their very safe and effective medications because they hear about this bogus warning."
"The FDA's action, which appears to try and make those programs look unsafe and sinister, seem to have a political and public relations purpose, one that is perfectly allied with the lobbying agenda of drug companies," he said.
He pointed to testimony by FDA Commissioner Scott Gottlieb last week — just a day before the CanaRx warning. When asked about importing Canadian drugs, Gottlieb did not mention CanaRx, but he said that people going to a "brick and mortar" pharmacy in Canada "are getting a safe and effective drug. I have confidence in the Canadian drug regulatory system." He added that his concerns are with online pharmacies.
The Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, the industry trade and lobbying group, cheered the FDA action but denied it had any role in it, said spokeswoman Nicole Longo.
"PhRMA supports the FDA's efforts to crack down on organizations that are circumventing its robust safety and efficacy requirements," she said. "Drug importation schemes expose Americans to potentially unsafe, counterfeit or adulterated medicines."
A small but growing number of doctors prescribe drugs 'off-label' for their possible anti-aging effects, even though there is scant evidence that the practice works.
This story was first published Wednesday, March 6, 2019, by Kaiser Health News.
Dr. Alan Green's patients travel from around the country to his tiny practice in Queens, N.Y., lured by the prospect of longer lives.
Over the past two years, more than 200 patients have flocked to see Greenafter learning that two drugs he prescribes could possibly stave off aging. One 95-year-old was so intent on keeping her appointment that she asked her son to drive her from Maryland after a snowstorm had closed the schools.
Green is among a small but growing number of doctors who prescribe drugs "off-label" for their possible anti-aging effects. Metformin is typically prescribed for diabetes, and rapamycin prevents organ rejection after a transplant, but doctors can prescribe drugs off-label for other purposes — in this case, for "aging."
Rapamycin's anti-aging effects on animals and metformin's on people with diabetes have encouraged Green and his patients to experiment with them as anti-aging remedies, even though there's little evidence healthy people could benefit.
"Many of [my patients] have Ph.D.s," said Green, who is 76 and has taken the drugs for three years. "They have read the research and think it's worth a try."
In fact, it's easier for patients to experiment with the drugs — either legally off-label or illegally from a foreign supplier — than it is for researchers to launch clinical trials that would demonstrate they work in humans.
No rigorous large-scale clinical trials have been conducted aimed at aging. The FDA so far has not agreed that a treatment could be approved for delaying the onset of aging or age-related diseases, citing questions about whether research can demonstrate an overall effect on aging rather than just on a specific disease.
Given such reservations, pharmaceutical companies have little incentive to fund costly, large-scale trials. Also, both metformin and rapamycin are generic and relatively cheap.
"There's no profit," said Matt Kaeberlein, a professor of pathology at the University of Washington medical school whose team received a $15 million grant from the National Institutes of Health to study the effects of rapamycin in dogs, but has noted the lack of funds for studies in people. "Without profit, there's no incentive."
Supplements with purported anti-aging effects routinely enter the market with little scrutiny and less evidence.
Yet, late last year, the NIH rejected a $77 million grant proposal by a prominent group of researchers to determine whether metformin could target multiple age-related diseases at once. It was the second rejection of the ambitious but unorthodox bid.
"We’re going to keep trying," said a lead author of the metformin proposal, Stephen Kritchevsky, a co-director of the Sticht Center for Healthy Aging and Alzheimer's Prevention. "These things take time."
Less is known about rapamycin's anti-aging effects and its possible side effects in the general population, including the possibility it could lead to insulin resistance. Yet a litany of studies show that rapamycin extends animal life spans. It also has been shown in such studies to stave off age-related diseases, from cancer to cardiovascular diseases to cognitive diseases.
"There should have been a clinical trial for rapamycin and Alzheimer's disease years ago," said Kaeberlein, who has publicly urged NIH to use a historic boost in Alzheimer's funding to study the drug’s effects. "But the fact is, the clinical trials are really hard and expensive."
Alexander Fleming, a former FDA official and advocate for the metformin proposal, said he believed it was difficult for regulators and funders to grasp that aging can be tackled as a whole — not just one disease at a time.
In fact, NIH reviewers who rejected the metformin proposal cited problems with the project's aim of testing multiple age-related diseases at once. The researchers considered appealing the decision, asserting those reviewers were biased against studying aging as a whole. NIH, which declined to comment, discouraged the attempt.
Dr. Evan Hadley, director of the National Institute on Aging's division of geriatrics and clinical gerontology, told Kaiser Health News that NIH is not ruling out funding projects that target aging, saying such proposals are still "of interest."
The FDA also is open to considering such efforts "based on the scientific evidence presented to us," said FDA spokeswoman Amanda Turney.
Fleming, who oversaw the controversial FDA approval of metformin for Type 2 diabetes, said an argument could be made that it could approve a drug like metformin for preventing age-related diseases instead of just treating them. He points to now widely used statins, which were approved to prevent heart disease.
"There is some kind of belief that the FDA can't approve a therapy to reduce the progress of aging or age-related conditions," said Fleming, an endocrinologist. "It's just not true."
Given the lack of consensus, other researchers have moved ahead with clinical trials focused on specific age-related conditions.
Researchers have shown that a "cousin" of rapamycin boosts the effectiveness of flu shots and lowers the incidence of upper respiratory infections in seniors by up to 30%. This group, led by Dr. Joan Mannick, has licensed it from Novartis and is now working on getting approval to target Parkinson's disease.
Some doctors and patients have decided not to wait. At a recent scientific forum on aging, one of the researchers on the NIH proposal asked the 300 or so people in attendance to raise their hands if they were already taking metformin for aging.
"Half the audience raised their hands," recalled the researcher, Dr. Nir Barzilai, director of the Institute for Aging Research at the Albert Einstein College of Medicine, who said a pharmaceutical rep recently estimated that metformin sales are up 20%.
Barzilai is concerned about the off-label trend, although he sees metformin as promising. He contends that researchers in the longevity field first need to set up a framework for testing in clinical trials. Even if metformin doesn't pan out as the most effective drug, he asserts a model like the metformin proposal is needed for any major clinical trial to proceed. His group is now trying to secure about half the amount of funding it requested from NIH from a mix of nonprofit and private investment.
"Much of the aging field is charlatans," Barzilai said. "They tell you take this or that and you'll live forever. But you have to do a clinical trial that is placebo-controlled and only then can you say what it really is and whether it’s safe."
Green nonetheless said he plans to continue prescribing. He estimates about 5% of his patients are doctors themselves. Others have backgrounds in science or are in the upper-income bracket. According to his website, he charges $350 for an initial visit and does not accept insurance.
"They fly to see me on their own planes," he said.
But other doctors who are open to prescribing metformin are holding off on rapamycin, given side effects in higher doses in sick patients.
"I need to see more evidence," said Dr. Garth Denyer, a doctor in The Woodlands, a wealthy Houston suburb, who said he prescribed metformin to a small number of patients but is waiting on rapamycin. "I'm hoping to see more data on safety."
Michael Slattery, who has been HIV-positive since 1983, said he is taking both drugs because the virus is likely to shorten his life expectancy.
So far, he has not noticed any side effects or benefits. His partner, however, who is also HIV-positive, stopped taking rapamycin after getting kidney infections.
"I feel I have nothing left to lose," said Slattery, a retired biotech consultant.
Other patients remain hopeful, even though the evidence is unlikely to be definitive anytime soon.
Linda Mac Dougall, 70, of Port Hueneme, Calif., said she participated in a small study that did not have a placebo control. She’s uncertain whether it had any effect on her.
"I really haven't noticed anything, but that doesn't mean it didn’t work," said Mac Dougall, a massage therapist for seniors. She has slightly more confidence in the wide array of supplements she takes, she said: "If I live until I’m 110, we’ll know."
Researchers sought to determine how pregnant women who dealt with surprise medical bills from their first delivery approached decisions about their second.
This story was first published Monday, March 4, 2019, by Kaiser Health News.
When it comes to having a baby, that bundle of joy may bring an unexpected price tag that can affect parents' future healthcare choices.
At least that was the finding of a studypublished Monday in Health Affairs. It examined how consumers respond to surprise medical bills in elective — or non-emergency — situations.
Specifically, researchers used a large national sample of medical claims for obstetric patients who had two deliveries between 2007 and 2014 and who had employer-sponsored health insurance.
They focused on this group because giving birth, the authors reasoned, is one of the few elective procedures someone would repeat.
The women in this category were also generally able to plan ahead and choose in-network hospitals and in-network obstetricians, if that was their preference, to avoid paying higher out-of-network rates.
However, their hospital care might also have involved providers who were out of their network, such as anesthesiologists. Since that doctor is not bound by a contract with the patient's insurance company, the care could result in patients being asked to pay whatever their insurance did not toward the provider's bill, a practice called "balance billing."
The researchers sought to determine how women who dealt with such unexpected costs from their first delivery approached decisions about their second.
Benjamin Chartock, the lead author on the study and an associate fellow at the Leonard Davis Institute of Health Economics at the University of Pennsylvania's Wharton School for business, said the findings showed that if patients had more information about which providers were covered, they would be able to better navigate their healthcare decisions and avoid high bills.
"When someone gets a surprise out-of-network medical bill, they're pretty much helpless to respond at that episode of care," Chartock said. "But if patients require subsequent healthcare in another situation, they may have a chance to respond in subsequent procedures."
Women who got a surprise bill from their first delivery, for instance, were 13% more likely to change hospitals for the next one.
Chartock likened it to getting a bad meal at a restaurant. It makes it less likely the patron will return. "That's kind of the classic competitive response," he said.
Of the group that switched hospitals for the second delivery, 56% were less likely to get another surprise bill. And, in many cases, women used the information they got from their first experience to make more cost-effective decisions the next time around.
These results, the authors said, make a strong case for better transparency about hospital pricing.
However, that information isn't always available, and many women don't even have a choice when it comes to where they give birth. "This suggests that laws protecting patients from liability for unavoidable out-of-network medical bills may significantly benefit patients," the authors wrote.
The price tag isn't the only thing upon which women base their labor and delivery choices, but it is part of a "bundle of attributes" that patients must weigh, Chartock said. Often the choice of a doctor or hospital closest to home where patients can get follow-up care can trump concerns about a surprise bill.
"We do see high rates of switching that may be mothers who are trading off the financial benefits with potential costs of not seeing the doctor who they would have otherwise wanted or the facility they would have otherwise wanted," Chartock said.
Surprise medical bills are a growing problem for patients. A Kaiser Family Foundation poll from September found that 67%of people worry about unexpected medical bills. (Kaiser Health News is an editorially independent program of the foundation.)
TheTrumpadministration and Democrats and Republicans alike inCongress have targeted surprise billing as an area ripe for change. Statelegislatures have also taken up the cause.
For Chartock, one of the key takeaways of the study was that it shows how the anticipation of surprise medical bills could cause hospitals to "lose a future stream of patients."
David Silverstein, the founder of brokenhealthcare.org — a group that advocates for healthcare price transparency — agreed.
The study shows that it is "actually costing the hospital business to have non-participating doctors in the facility," said Silverstein, who was not involved in the study. "That's a pretty big eye-opener."
More ailments are being treated with medical devices, including implants. And most of these, unlike pharmaceuticals, don't go through human testing before being offered to patients.
This story was first published Tuesday, March 5, 2019, by Kaiser Health News.
There's no doubt that surgically implanted medical devices can improve lives.
Hip and knee replacements can help people regain their mobility. Drug pumps can deliver doses of pain-relieving medicine on demand. And metal rods can stabilize spines and broken bones.
But implanted devices can also do serious damage, as happened to Mechel Keel, who lives in Owosso, Mich.
To fix her leaky bladder, an OB-GYN stitched a flexible mesh strap inside her pelvis in 2004. But within months, the mesh hardened and started cutting her insides.
The pain kept her from returning to her job as a hairdresser. The injuries and scar tissue that developed required multiple surgeries to correct and also resulted in chronic infections.
Keel said she understands why her doctor in Tennessee thought the high-tech mesh would help. But she also now feels she was treated like "a guinea pig."
"We were the testers," she said. "There was no animal testing done. We were the animals."
Thousands of cases of complications from surgical mesh have been reportedto the Food and Drug Administration. More and more ailments are being treated these days with medical devices, including implants. And most of these medical devices, unlike pills in a medicine cabinet, don't go through human testing before being offered to patients.
But some devices break down or malfunction in people's bodies, and reports aboutsometimes debilitating injuries have led the FDA to rethink how it assesses medical devices before allowing them to be sold.
For devices in which failure is obviously life-threatening, regulators have required some sort of human testing as part of the most stringent path — known as premarket approval. But most medical devices enter the market after manufacturers provide technical information and show that the devices are similar to others that have been legally sold previously.
The FDA has acknowledged that some seemingly safe devices have caused major problems, and the agency has elevated the risk level of those products following reports of injuries, as it did with urogynecologic surgical mesh for some uses in 2016. "Unfortunately, the FDA cannot always know the full extent of the benefits and risks of a device before it reaches the market," the agency said in a recent statement.
"We have things like metal-on-metal hips," said health journalist Jeanne Lenzer about a kind of orthopedic implant. "Outside the body, [they] seem to function just fine. They put them in little machines, rock them back and forth — they don't break. [But] put them inside people, and something very different happens."
There have been massive recalls of hip implants, for example, due to devices causing swelling and pain. And there have been problems with weakened bones in patients who received hip implants that contained plastic.
Lenzer wrote a scathing book, "The Danger Within Us," about the device industry and said she was "dumbfounded" to find out how many devices never went through human testing the way drugs do.
That's in part because of a regulatory review process known as 510(k) for a section of the FDA law covering medical devices. Manufacturers typically show their product has "substantial equivalence" to a "predicate device" that has already been legally marketed.
That standard can perpetuate problems. "You just say your device is like an old device, and the old device was never tested, nor was your device," Lenzer said.
In practice, sometimes the basis for a whole family tree of devices turns out to be defective. Pelvic mesh is a relevant example, with much of what's on the market being based on mesh that was around prior to implementation of FDA regulations for medical devices in 1976. One study found that 16% of mesh on the market was designed like products that had been pulled from the market because of safety concerns.
Thousands of women, including Keel, have filed suit — or reached settlements — with medical device companies that manufacture pelvic mesh.
"I would want nothing if you could just give me my life back," said Gloria Jones of Hillsdale, Mich., who is one of thousands who havesettled with device manufacturersover faulty mesh. "They could have given me millions, but all I needed was my life back."
Jones, who has struggled to continue working through crippling abdominal pain as a middle school special-education teaching assistant, has had four surgeries to remove pieces and continues to require intravenous drugs to control infections.
"It seems like I get off one antibiotic, and three days later I have another one," she said. "I would beg anybody who is even thinking of putting mesh in their bodies to stop and get a second opinion."
In response to problems reported with mesh, the FDA started requiring human testing for some of these products in recent years. The agency held an advisory committee meeting on Feb. 12 to discuss the safety and effectiveness of mesh and how it should be regulated.
Manufacturers by and large have said they don't oppose what the FDA is trying to do, calling the changes reasonable. But they have pushed back against calls to bring regulation of medical devices in line with that of pharmaceuticals.
"If you're treating someone for high cholesterol, the testing that you go through to ensure safety and effectiveness on a chemical that's going to be used in your body to control your cholesterol is just very different than it would be for the implantation of a heart valve," said Scott Whitaker, CEO of AdvaMed, a trade association for medical device companies. "Honestly, it's apples and oranges."
Whitaker dismisses the idea that devices, which range from tongue depressors to surgical robots, should all go through human trials.
"Testing should be as complete and as thorough and as ethical and as appropriate as possible. But it doesn't all fit the same and can't all fit the same standard," Whitaker said. "And while we always strive for 100%, there are times when something might not go according to plan. It could also be because the surgery didn't go as was planned."
The FDA declined NPR’s request for an interview. But the agency has released some written justification for the regulatory revamp.
"We believe firmly in the merits of the 510(k) process," FDA Commissioner Scott Gottlieb said in a November statement, noting that applications have more than doubled in size to an average of 1,185 pages. "But we also believe that framework needs to be modernized to reflect advances in technology, safety and the capabilities of a new generation of medical devices."
In the same statement, the agency addressed some specific shortcomings and charted plans to make changes to the process over the next few months:
Pushing back on manufacturers that base any new device's marketing application on one that's more than 10 years old;
More actively watching how devices perform once they're on the market, rather than relying on patients to report problems;
Scrapping the 510(k) name for something more descriptive, such as the "Safety and Performance Based Pathway."
Dr. Michael Matheny, a Vanderbilt University professor who tracks medical devices, approves of the FDA's incremental approach and calls it thoughtful.
"It would really be unfortunate if patients wouldn't consider any medical devices at all to be used in their bodies," Matheny said. "But I do think being aware that there's nothing without risk is also important."
Matheny notes, though, that in some ways the risks can be more profound for devices than medication. If the FDA recalls pills, a patient can at least stop taking them immediately, he said. With implanted devices, patients are sort of stuck, at least for a while — and that's if surgeons can even safely remove them.
This story is part of a partnership that includes Nashville Public Radio, NPR and Kaiser Health News.
KHN's Pre$cription for Power database now includes nearly 14,000 transactions, totaling $163 million in donations from 26 drugmakers to 650 patient groups in 2015.
This story was first published Monday, March 4, 2019, by Kaiser Health News.
Dozens of patient advocacy groups, like the Bonnie J. Addario Lung Cancer Foundation and the National Coalition for Cancer Survivorship, recently appeared in national advertisements objecting to a Trump administration proposal that could limit drugs covered by Medicare providers.
But a Kaiser Health News analysis found that about half of the groups representing patients have received funding from the pharmaceutical industry.
Drugmakers funneled more than $58 million to the groups in 2015 alone, according to financial disclosures in KHN's "Pre$cription for Power" database, which tracks the little-publicized ties between patient advocacy groups and drugmakers. As patient organizations gain ground lobbying Congress and the administration, experts have begun to question whether their financial ties could push them to put drugmakers' interests ahead of the patients they represent
The advertisement, which ran in national newspapers, attacked proposed changes to Medicare Part D's "protected" drug classes, which require that "all or substantially all" drugs must be covered by all insurers. The medicines involved include oral cancer drugs, HIV medicines and antipsychotics.
The protection can have the effect of guaranteeing sales to Medicare patients no matter the price tag.
The proposed rule would give insurers more opportunities to instead steer patients toward lower-cost therapies and generics using prior authorization or step therapy, in which patients must try cheaper drugs before they can switch to options that are more expensive.
It would also allow protected drugs to be left off Medicare Part D formularies when price hikes exceed inflation or new formulations of drugs don't offer a "significant innovation" over existing versions.
"It's wrong and it will put patients' lives at risk," reads the ad paid for by the American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network above a list of 56 other patient advocacy groups who presumably agree. Underneath, a link directs readers to an online form to send pre-written emails to members of Congress and the administration.
The government proposal's goal, however, isn't to end coverage for drugs in protected classes, said Rachel Sachs, an associate law professor at Washington University in St. Louis who specializes in health care. Its goal is to give plans more leverage to bargain for better discounts. If there's a chance an insurance plan won't cover a drug, the provider has more negotiating power.
The Cancer Action Network's six-figure ad buy ran for three weeks starting Jan. 17. It appeared in print and online in The New York Times and The Washington Post, as well as local publications in Washington, D.C., according to Cancer Action Network spokeswoman Alissa Crispino. About 4,500 people used the online email tool.
It's important to make sure cancer patients can get "cutting-edge" treatments, said Keysha Brooks-Coley, vice president of federal affairs for the Cancer Action Network. "This is really an access issue," she said.
The lobby for brand-name drugmakers, the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, takes the same stance, according to its submitted comments on the proposal.
But access to drugs means more than insurance coverage, said Karuna Jaggar, the executive director of Breast Cancer Action, a patient group that was not invited to be listed in the ad and hasn't accepted corporate funding for two decades to avoid the appearance of bias. "If people can't afford it, the reality is they cannot access it."
Given the ad's selective understanding of "access" to exclude cost and the patient groups' industry ties, she asked, "Can we trust them?"
The American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network communicates with its funders, which include drugmakers and others, but the group sets its own agenda, Brooks-Coley said.
KHN launched its Pre$cription for Power database in spring 2018. It now includes nearly 14,000 transactions, totaling $163 million in donations from 26 drugmakers to 650 patient groups, in 2015. The patient groups often don't disclose their donors, so the information comes from drugmakers' financial disclosures, some of which are voluntary. Not all companies publicly disclose their charitable giving, so KHN estimates are likely low.
Although there are occasions when what's best for patients is the same as what's best for drugmakers, people should consider patient advocacy group statements with a "skeptical eye" if groups have financial ties to the pharmaceutical industry, said Matthew McCoy, a medical ethics and health policy assistant professor at the University of Pennsylvania.
Drugmakers and patient advocacy organizations have fundamentally different missions, he said. One wants to make money for shareholders. The other wants to serve patients. Since their goals will inevitably diverge, it's important that patient groups aren't swayed by their funders, he said.
It can be easy to view a pharmaceutical company as an ally when its contributions help keep the lights on, McCoy said. "I think we have a lot of evidence from research on financial conflicts of interest in other areas of healthcare to know that the influence often is unconscious to the people who are actually experiencing it."
Still, Sachs said she can understand why patient advocacy groups oppose changes to the six protected classes, even if they lead to lower drug prices.
"The question is, what happens if negotiations between pharmaceutical companies and the Part D plans fail?" Sachs said. "In at least some cases, the Part D plan will be able to say simply it's going to exclude you from coverage because of the price of the drug."
The number is the highest since the federal government five years ago launched the Hospital Acquired Conditions Reduction Program, created by the Affordable Care Act.
This story was first published Friday, March 1, 2019, by Kaiser Health News.
Eight hundred hospitals will be paid less by Medicare this year because of high rates of infections and patient injuries, federal records show.
The number is the highest since the federal government five years ago launched the Hospital Acquired Conditions Reduction Program, created by the Affordable Care Act. Under the program, 1,756 hospitals have been penalized at least once, a Kaiser Health News analysis found.
This year, 110 hospitals are being punished for the fifth straight time.
The penalties pit hospitals against one another in a race to prevent the most infections, blood clots, cases of sepsis, bedsores, hip fractures and other complications. Each year, the quarter of general hospitals with the highest rates are punished, even if their records have improved from the previous year.
Under the latest round of sanctions, each hospital will lose 1% of its Medicare payments for patients discharged between last October and this September. That comes on top of other penalties created by the health care law, such as annual payment reductions for hospitals with too many patients being readmitted.
The hospital industry has protested the HAC penalties, saying the program's design creates an arbitrary cutoff for which institutions get punished and which don't. The American Hospital Association calculated that only about 4% of the 768 hospitals penalized in 2017 had HAC scores that were statistically significantly higher than hospitals not being penalized.
"There are not statistical differences that would warrant a quarter of the hospitals in America getting a penalty," said Nancy Foster, the association's vice president for quality and patient safety.
Hospitals also complain that the ones that do the best job testingfor infections and other threats to patients appear to be among the worst based on statistics, while their more lackadaisical peers look better than they might be.
Supporters of the punishments argue that the penalties are warranted in prodding hospitals to improve quality. The threat of losing money elevates the issue in many hospitals to the attention of directors and owners, said Missy Danforth, the vice president of health care ratings at the Leapfrog Group, a nonprofit devoted to patient safety.
"The fact that everyone's talking about it, from front-line nurses to boards of directors, is positioning patient safety where it should be, which is at the forefront of everyone's minds," Danforth said.
Danforth dismissed hospital complaints that the penalties are not always fairly applied. "There's a lot of really strong, good best practices to getting to zero on these infections," she said.
Hospital patients suffered an avoidable injury in 9 of every 100 patient stays in 2016, about 2.7 million times, according to a June report from the federal Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality. Those included a bad reaction to medication, an injury from a procedure, a fall or an infection.
The frequency of complications has been dropping in hospitals. The report found an overall 8% decrease from 2014 to 2016. However, the report also found a jump in the numbers of bedsores and urinary tract infections in patients with catheters during that time.
The Hospital Acquired Conditions Reduction Programassesses penalties based on a subsection of the injuries examined in the AHRQ report. For each hospital, Medicare judges infection rates related to colon surgeries, hysterectomies, urinary tract catheters and central lines inserted into veins. Medicare also counts the number of infections of methicillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus, or MRSA, and Clostridium difficile, known as C. diff.
Finally, the government tracks the rate of blood clots, sepsis, post-surgical wounds, bedsores, hip fractures and five othertypes of in-hospital injuries. Because the penalties will be applied as hospitals submit claims for reimbursement, the total dollar amount of penalties for each hospital will not be known until the federal fiscal year ends in September.
Medicare excludes from consideration a number of specialized hospitals: those serving children, veterans and psychiatric patients. Maryland hospitals are also exempted because the federal government gives that state leeway in how it pays hospitals. And more than 1,000 "critical access" hospitals, which are the only institutions in their area, are also excluded.
For the remaining hospitals, penalties are assignedto the quarter of institutions with the highest HAC rates. That threshold varies slightly from year to year, and is a major reason that the number of hospitals being punished fluctuates annually. Before this, the largest number of hospitals punished was 769, two years ago.
Older adults with advanced kidney disease who want to forgo dialysis often encounter resistance from physicians, who observers suggest are more concerned with survival than with quality of life.
This story was first published Thursday, February 28, 2019, by Kaiser Health News.
Dr. Susan Wong sat down with an 84-year-old patient in the hospital, where he’d been admitted with a flare-up of a serious autoimmune condition and deteriorating kidney function.
The older man told her he wanted to go home; he'd had a good life and was ready for its end. He didn't want aggressive care — including dialysis — having witnessed his wife and son die painfully in intensive care years ago.
Wong, an assistant professor of nephrology at the University of Washington, was prepared to follow the man’s wishes, but other physicians, eager to pursue tests and treatments, disagreed. For a week, the doctors argued about what to do. Finally, they discharged the patient, who died in hospice care a few weeks later.
Older adults with advanced kidney disease who want to forgo dialysis often encounter similar resistance from physicians, according to a new study in JAMA Internal Medicine by Wong and colleagues at the Veterans Affairs Puget Sound Health Care System in Seattle, where she's an investigator.
The researchers documented doctors' reactions by reviewing medical charts of 851 older patients with chronic kidney disease who refused dialysis at the VA health system from 2000 to 2011. In their notes, physicians frequently speculated the patients were incompetent, depressed, suicidal or irrational.
With dialysis, people are hooked up to a machine that removes waste from their blood, usually three times a week for four hours at a stretch. Many older adults find the treatments burdensome, and medical complications are common.
Yet patients who expressed reservations about this treatment were sometimes labeled as difficult or unprepared to confront the reality of their medical condition. "Still in denial about his kidney disease and his need for hemodialysis in the near future — repeat discussions with patient and wife regarding compliance," one nephrologist wrote. Even when patients were firm about declining dialysis, doctors repeatedly questioned their decisions.
"Clinical practice guidelines for advanced kidney disease are geared toward survival, not what would give patients the best quality of life or the greatest functional capacity," Wong said. Another factor at play: Nephrologists aren’t trained to ask seriously ill patients what’s most important to them and shape treatment recommendations accordingly. Although most patients want to have such conversations with a kidney specialist, few do so, studies have found.
"We don't really know how to help patients with serious illness make decisions that are right for them or what to do when they don't really want dialysis," said Dr. Jane Schell, an assistant professor of palliative care and nephrology at the University of Pittsburgh.
Conversations about the potential benefits and burdens of dialysis, as well as alternatives, are especially important for frail patients 75 and older who have two or more chronic conditions, such as diabetes and high blood pressure, and difficulty with daily activities such as bathing or walking — a group at risk of experiencing significant complications from dialysis but not achieving longer life.
Healthier older adults have better outcomes on dialysis — a valuable treatment for many people. "We shouldn't limit access to dialysis based on age, but we should have meaningful conversations about goals of care and make it clear that dialysis is a choice and that patients have alternatives," said Dr. Bjorg Thorsteinsdottir, an assistant professor of internal medicine and bioethics at the Mayo Clinic.
Options that should be discussed include comprehensive conservative care, which calls for preserving as much kidney function as possible, managing a patient's health problems, dealing with symptoms such as nausea, swelling, itchiness, pain and breathing difficulties, and preparing for end-of-life care; peritoneal dialysis or hemodialysis at home; and palliative dialysis, a less intensive version of this treatment that keeps people alive for longer but isn’t meant to restore kidney function.
Comprehensive conservative care programs are few and far between (in New York City, Pittsburgh, Seattle, San Francisco and a few other locations), but efforts are underway to change that. With funding from the American Society of Nephrology, Schell and colleagues at the University of Pittsburgh have developed an online conservative care curriculum set to debut in March. Nineteen nephrology training programs for physicians are set to participate.
Also, the Pathways Project, funded by the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation, is working to make palliative care (also known as supportive care) for patients with advanced kidney disease widely available. (KHN’s coverage of end-of-life and serious illness issues is also supported in part by the Gordon and Betty Moore Foundation.) Dr. Alvin Moss, co-investigator of the project and professor of medicine at West Virginia University School of Medicine, said the project hopes to sign up 10-15 dialysis centers this year.
Sometimes, patients choose a time-limited trial of dialysis with the understanding that they can change their minds down the road.
Cyndy Patton's 86-year-old mother, Isabel, learned last spring she had advanced kidney disease after going to a Pittsburgh hospital, sickened by repeated bouts of vomiting. Physicians suggested she try dialysis for a few weeks and see if her kidneys might rejuvenate. (The older woman had survived open-heart surgery and a stroke and was living on her own after her husband’s death.)
After a week in the hospital and another week in a rehabilitation center, there was no change: Patton's mother still needed dialysis. Five weeks later, she confessed to her daughter that the treatment was making her miserable. But giving it up felt like committing suicide, she told Patton — an unacceptable option.
A week later, Isabel had changed her mind. "This is not a life I care to lead, being hooked up to these machines," she told Patton. "What am I doing this for?" The older woman had consulted with Schell at the University of Pittsburgh about palliative care and hospice care, and she chose hospice.
Dialysis ended and the family gathered at Isabel's bedside. "She was all ready to die — but she didn't, and is still living to this day," Patton said.
It's an example of how hard it can be to predict what will happen to any given patient with advanced kidney disease. What's important for the patient to understand is that "it's not always all or nothing — dialysis or death," Thorsteinsdottir said.
As 'Medicare-for-all' has become a rallying cry for progressive Democrats, several states are looking at offering consumers a government-sponsored plan to provide a more affordable health option.
This story was first published Tuesday, February 26, 2019, byKaiser Health News.
Laura Lucero Y Ruiz De Gutierrez has a heart condition and fibromyalgia and is in danger of developing diabetes. She has health insurance through her husband's job. But, between the $800 monthly premium for the couple's coverage and the $2,100 deductible she has to pay down before insurance starts picking up the tab, she doesn't feel she can afford to go to the doctor when she needs to.
She hopes that may soon change. Identical bills proposed in recent weeks in the New Mexico House and Senate would make Gutierrez eligible to buy in to a public health plan modeled on Medicaid. She also could receive state-funded assistance that would save her hundreds of dollars a month on premiums.
As "Medicare-for-all" has become a rallying cry for progressive Democrats, New Mexico is one of several states looking at offering consumers a different government-sponsored plan to provide a more affordable health option.
The proposals, often referred to as "Medicaid buy-in" plans, would typically offer benefits similar to what is available in Medicaid, the state-federal health plan for low-income people.
"Medicare-for-all is not going to happen legislatively in the next couple years. But in the meantime states are saying, 'What about "Medicaid for more"?'" said Heather Howard, who directs Princeton University’s state health and value strategies program and is working closely with some of the states.
A report commissioned by New Mexico projected that up to 16,000 people would enroll in a program like the one originally proposed in the bills, and their premiums would be 15% to 28% lower than plans sold on the individual market.
Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham favors a Medicaid buy-in option. She doesn't have a position on the current bill, but she is following it closely, said Nora Sackett, the governor's deputy press secretary.
In addition to the governor's and lawmakers' interest, other stakeholders have been deeply involved, increasing the odds of success, Howard said.
Lawmakers in Colorado, Oregon, Washington and Minnesota are among others exploring similar options, said Howard. Nevada lawmakerspassed a bill last year that would have set up a Medicaid buy-in plan, but the Republican governor vetoed it.
"The proposals take on different flavors depending on the state" and what officials are trying to accomplish, she said, whether it's increasing the number of people with insurance, making coverage more affordable or helping states avoid "bare" counties where no marketplace plans are offered.
States that want to offer a buy-in option might opt to try to expand Medicaid directly, or offer a plan that builds on but is not part of their Medicaid program, with similar benefits, providers and reimbursement rates. Or they may offer a public option insurance plan that isn't based on Medicaid. Depending on how they structure their plan, states may have to get approval from the federal government to move ahead.
A federal billthat would allow states to open up their Medicaid programs to all residents was reintroduced earlier in February by Sen. Brian Schatz (D-Hawaii) and Rep. Ben Ray Luján (D-N.M.).
In New Mexico, the buy-in plan would be similar to the state's Medicaid program. It would be offered outside the exchange and would not require federal approval to implement. The state would provide financial assistance to help low-income people buy in to it.
New Mexico's bill would target individuals who aren't eligible for Medicaid or Medicare or those who can't get the Affordable Care Act's premium subsidies because their incomes are above 400% of the federal poverty level (about $50,000 for one person or $103,000 for a family of four). It also includes immigrants who are in the country without legal status.
The measure would also help people, like Gutierrez, who are vulnerable to the ACA's so-called family glitch. Her husband's $100 monthly premium for single coverage is considered affordable under the law because it costs less than 9.86% of their family income of about $46,000 a year. That makes her ineligible for premium subsidies on the exchange, even though the $800 premium for the two of them far exceeds that affordability percentage. Their three children already have Medicaid coverage.
"Right now, I pay to have the healthcare, but I can't afford to use it," said Gutierrez, 42.
The bill would provide premium and cost-sharing assistance for people with incomes less than 200% of the federal poverty level, or $60,340 for a family of five. The new coverage would take effect by January 2021.
Gutierrez, whose family lives in Albuquerque, would be eligible for financial assistance to help her buy in to the Medicaid option, while her husband stayed on his employer plan. Because their $46,000 annual income is just above 150% of the federal poverty level, her monthly premium would likely be about $160 per month for a comprehensive plan with a $150 deductible, according to estimates by Manatt Health, which did the original state analyses of buy-in options that were published before the bills were introduced in January.
New Mexico has high levels of poverty, and 40%of all New Mexico residents are already enrolled in the state Medicaid program, compared with about 23% nationwide.
"It's the cornerstone" of our healthcare system, said Colin Baillio, director of policy and communication at Health Action New Mexico, an advocacy group. The legislation would use "those levers that Medicaid has to provide comprehensive coverage and a comprehensive provider network."
The bills were passed by two legislative committees in mid-February, with instructions for further study to examine expanding the buy-in plan to more groups. They now move to two other legislative committees for consideration, Baillio said.
Hospitals and other healthcare providers would be reimbursed at Medicaid rates, which are lower than those for commercial plans. Still, to the extent that people who are uninsured enroll in the new plan, providers stand to gain financially.
"We're obviously very supportive of anything that expands coverage," said Jeff Dye, president of the New Mexico Hospital Association. "It's the issue of getting some payment versus no payment for services rendered."
If the Medicaid buy-in bill passes, Blanca Ivon Rodriguez and her husband, Hugo Montes, could have health insurance for the first time since they moved to New Mexico 14 years ago. The couple and their oldest son, now 18, are immigrants from Mexico who are in the state without proper legal status. Their two younger children, who were born in the United States, are enrolled in Medicaid.
Montes works as a plumber and Rodriguez is studying early childhood development at a community college near their home in Albuquerque. Because they're undocumented, they’re not permittedto buy health insurance on the exchanges, even if they’re willing to pay full price.
Like many people without insurance, they wait until they're really sick before seeking help. When Rodriguez developed pneumonia a few years ago, the waiting lists for an appointment at community clinics that would see her without insurance were long. Finally, when she could no longer breathe comfortably, she went to the emergency department.
"It would bring us peace of mind not having to worry about our healthcare situation," said Rodriguez, 41, through a translator.
Providing healthcare for residents who are undocumented is "an underlying issue with many states that are considering a Medicaid buy-in," said Chiquita Brooks-LaSure, managing director at Manatt Health, who co-authored the reports evaluating Medicaid buy-in options for New Mexico.
The New Mexico bill also would provide some relief for Leah Steimel's family. Neither she nor her husband has employer-sponsored coverage, and with family income of about $100,000 they don’t qualify for ACA premium tax credits. They pay more than $1,900 a month for a silver-level plan with a $10,000 deductible to cover themselves and two of their kids (the third is over age 26).
Buying in to Medicaid would be tempting, said Steimel, 59, who works as a community health consultant with some of the groups advocating for the buy-in. Sure, she said, she wonders if the Medicaid plan would be as easy to use as a regular commercial plan and have access to as many providers.
"But being able to pay into something that would reduce by even a third what I'm paying now, I'd love that," she said.
Under the new rules, Title X recipients would be banned from making abortion referrals in almost all cases. This would reverse existing rules, which require that a referral be given if a woman requests one.
This story was first published Friday, February 22, 2019, byKaiser Health News.
The Trump administration Friday finalized a regulation intended to push Planned Parenthood out of theTitle X federal family planning program, keeping a campaign promise to anti-abortion groups.
The program provides contraceptives, screening and treatment for sexually transmitted diseases and other primary health services to 4 million patients each year, many of them low-income or uninsured, at more than 4,000 clinic sites. Planned Parenthood serves about 40% of that caseload.
None of the funds provided for Title X services may be used for abortion. That has been true since the program was created in 1970. But abortion opponents have for decades complained that since many Planned Parenthood affiliates that receive Title X support also provide abortion, the federal family planning money can be improperly commingled with funds used for the procedure.
The new regulations erase previous program rules requiring that women with unintended pregnancies be given "nondirective counseling" on all options, including birth, adoption and abortion.
Under the new rules, Title X recipients would be banned from making abortion referrals in almost all cases. This would reverse existing rules, which require that a referral be given if a woman requests one. Counseling would still be allowed but no longer required.
The new rules "will ensure compliance with, and enhance implementation of, the statutory requirement that none of the funds appropriated for Title X may be used in programs where abortion is a method of family planning," says the executive summary.
Organizations would also have to physically separate facilities that provide Title X-funded services from those that provide abortions.
Abortion-rights and family planning provider groups were quick to decry the regulations. Planned Parenthood called the new rules a dealbreaker.
"This is direct interference with the practice of medicine and our ethical obligations to our patients," the organization’s president, Leana Wen, MD, told reporters on a conference call Friday. "Planned Parenthood cannot participate in a program that would force our providers to compromise their ethics."
Other family planning groups called the rules out as well.
"This rule intentionally strikes at the heart of the patient-provider relationship, inserting political ideology into a family planning visit, which will frustrate and ultimately discourage patients from seeking the health care they need," Clare Coleman, president and CEO of the National Family Planning & Reproductive Health Association, the group that represents Title X recipients, said in a statement.
The American Medical Association said, "The patient-physician relationship relies on trust, open conversation and informed decision making and the government should not be telling physicians what they can and cannot say to their patients."
But abortion foes have been pushing hard for the changes.
"We thank President Trump for taking decisive action to disentangle taxpayers from the big abortion industry led by Planned Parenthood," said Marjorie Dannenfelser, president of the anti-abortion Susan B. Anthony List. "The Title X program was not intended to be a slush fund for abortion businesses."
Added Kristan Hawkins of the group Students for Life of America, "This is a life-saving policy change, as abortion vendors have used these family planning resources to underwrite their deadly enterprise."
Defunding Planned Parenthood has been a goal of the anti-abortion movement for decades. Republicans thought they could make the group ineligible to provide care to Medicaid patients at part of their bill — which did not pass — to rewrite the Affordable Care Act in 2017. The Planned Parenthood provisions were struck from the bill under Senate rules even before the measure collapsed.
New York Attorney General Letitia James and Oregon Attorney General Ellen Rosenblum promised to file suit against the regulation. California Attorney General Xavier Becerra also said he is prepared to sue, particularly because an estimated one-quarter of all women potentially affected by the changes live in California.
However, a similar set of rules, issued by President Ronald Reagan’s administration in 1987, were eventually upheld by the Supreme Court in 1991.
The rules will take effect in stages, starting 60 days after they are published in the Federal Register. The portion requiring physical and financial separation would not take effect for a year.
Update: This story was updated several times to add comments and more information as it became available.
Vaccination exemptions signed by doctors on medical grounds have more than tripled. This suggests that parents who once cited personal beliefs to avoid inoculating their kids might be claiming medical reasons instead.
This story was first published Friday, February 22, 2019, by Kaiser Health News.
A rash of recent measles outbreaks in New York, Texas, and Washington state shines a light on California's largely successful effort in recent years to suppress the disease—though some of the shine might be fading.
A serious measles outbreak that started at Disneyland in December 2014 and carried over into 2015 contributed to a steep increase in vaccination rates among California kindergartners over the following three years. But the gains stopped last year, according to the most recent available data.
In the 2013-14 school year, which immediately preceded the Disneyland outbreak, the percentage of kindergartners enrolled in schools boasting vaccination rates of 95% or above—considered the optimal level to avoid contagion—stood at 57%. By the 2016-17 academic year, the percentage of kindergarten pupils in schools with optimal vaccination rates had hit 90%. In 2017-18, however, it dipped slightly back below 90%.
Measles has again gained attention because of five outbreaks so far this year in the U.S., including a serious one in Washington state. Through the first week of February, 101 measles cases have been reported across 10 states. That's compared with a preliminary count of 372 for all of 2018 and 120 in 2017.
California's favorable trend accelerated dramatically after officials, galvanized by the Disneyland-linked infections, implemented a law in 2016 that eliminated a loophole through which parents were allowed to enroll their children in school without vaccinating them if they claimed that vaccinations violated their personal beliefs.
But another kind of exemption was still allowed. Over the past three years, vaccination exemptions signed by doctors on medical grounds have more than tripled, though they are still at a low level. This suggests that parents who once cited personal beliefs to avoid inoculating their kids might be claiming medical reasons instead.
Could this trend be contributing to the loss of momentum in vaccination rates?
"I think that's definitely a concern," said Dr. James Watt, chief of the Division of Communicable Disease Control at the California Department of Public Health. He said, however, that the elimination of personal belief exemptions in the 2016 law still far outweighs the rise of medical excuses. "So that's reassuring to some degree," he said.
Overall, California's measles vaccination rate is now 96.9%, well above the desired threshold. Watt said, "We do have this particular concern, as we have in the past, about places where there may be pockets of low immunization coverage"—such as individual schools.
Three rural Northern California counties—Sutter, Trinity, and Nevada—have measles vaccination rates below the 90% threshold widely considered the minimum level for effectively stopping the spread of the disease, according to data from the public health department.
Measles causes a high fever and a distinctive rash, and can lead in some cases to severe complications in children such as encephalitis and pneumonia, which can be fatal.
The federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recommends that children get their first dose of measles vaccine (MMR), which also protects against mumps and rubella, at 12 to 15 months of age and a second dose between ages 4 and 6.