SACRAMENTO — After the killing last year of George Floyd, a Black man, by a white Minneapolis police officer, Wisconsin Gov. Tony Evers declared racism a public health crisis. The governors of Michigan and Nevada quickly followed, as have legislative bodies in Minnesota, Virginia and Washington, D.C.
Yet California Gov. Gavin Newsom, who governs one of the most racially and ethnically diverse populations in the U.S., has not.
State Democratic lawmakers are not waiting for Newsom to make a declaration and are pressuring the first-term Democrat to dedicate $100 million per year from the state budget, beginning July 1, to fund new health equity programs and social justice experiments that might help break down systemic racism. Possibilities for the funding include transforming parking lots in low-income neighborhoods into green spaces and giving community clinics money to distribute fresh fruit and vegetables to their patients.
Lawmakers say COVID's disproportionate impact on California's Black and Latino residents, who experienced higher rates of sickness and death, makes their request even more pressing.
"COVID uncovered the disparities of the segregated California of the past that still has an effect today, and that we can correct if we focus on equity," said Assembly member Mike Gipson (D-Carson), who is spearheading the funding push. "We need to build a healthier society that works for everyone."
Lawmakers are lobbying for the money in their negotiations with the governor over the 2021-22 state budget. The legislature must pass a budget bill by June 15 for the fiscal year beginning July 1. Once Newsom receives the bill, he has 12 days to sign it into law.
The $100 million proposal to address the health effects of racism is part of the Democratic-controlled legislature's broader public health agenda that includes a request for $235 million annually to help rebuild gutted local public health departments, $15 million per year for transgender healthcare and $10 million to establish an independent "Office of Racial Equity," which would attempt to identify and address racism in state spending and policies.
Healthcare advocacy groups say the investments are critical to address inequality in society and the healthcare system that has contributed not only to higher rates of COVID within disadvantaged communities, but also chronic diseases like diabetes and heart disease.
"Those who got sick and lost jobs were mostly communities of color, so seeing no new investment from the governor to really tackle racial equity is unconscionable," said Ronald Coleman, managing director of policy for the California Pan-Ethnic Health Network, which sent Newsom a letter last July asking him to declare racism a public health crisis.
Newsom hasn't committed to supporting the funding but said he'd be "very mindful" in negotiations with lawmakers. One proposal Newsom and state lawmakers agree on is funding for a chief equity officer to address racial disparities within state government.
Newsom pointed to other budget proposals he has made, including $600 economic stimulus payments to households earning less than $75,000, rent and utility bill assistance, and an expansion of the state's Medicaid program for low-income residents, called Medi-Cal, to unauthorized immigrants age 60 and older.
Dr. Georges Benjamin, executive director of the American Public Health Association, said George Floyd's killing in May 2020 motivated state and local lawmakers to look at racism through the lens of public health — which could have helped save lives during the COVID pandemic. "We're at a tipping point," Benjamin said. "It's important to first acknowledge that racism is real, but then it requires you to do something about it. We're now seeing other states beginning to put money and resources behind the words."
Some cities and counties in California have declared racism a public health crisis, including Los Angeles and San Bernardino County. But those declarations would be more meaningful backed by an infusion of state resources, healthcare advocates say.
"We need to be willing to put dollars into innovative approaches to addressing racism in the same way we invest in stem cells, and we need to be willing to accept that some of the things we try will work and some won't," said Kiran Savage-Sangwan, executive director of the California Pan-Ethnic Health Network.
Should Newsom sign off on the funding, grants would be available to health clinics, Native American tribes and community-based organizations to develop programs aimed at combating racism and health disparities.
The Community Coalition in South Los Angeles, a nonprofit that originally set out decades ago to address the crack epidemic, expressed interest in applying.
"There are so many vacant lots in South Los Angeles that could be turned into mini-parks. That helps not only with physical health but mental health," said Marsha Mitchell, the organization's communications director. "We have very few grocery stores, and if you live in Compton or South Los Angeles, your life expectancy is almost seven years lower than if you lived in Santa Monica, Beverly Hills or Malibu."
Directing more resources to address racism could backfire, in part because voters, including some Democrats, have displayed skepticism over some of the liberal and expensive policies sought by Democrats who control Sacramento, said Mike Madrid, a Sacramento-based Republican political consultant who has also worked for Democrats.
He pointed to Proposition 16, the November 2020 ballot initiative that would have repealed California's 1996 law banning affirmative action, which was defeated 57% to 43%.
"Racism is very much a public health problem — just look at the chronic diseases and lower life expectancies of Black and brown people, and most people believe that racism is systemic in our governance," Madrid said. "But voters are becoming more discerning about how racism is being used by politicians to advance an agenda."
Focusing too heavily on racism could prompt a backlash, he said, "whereas if you focused on poverty and inequality, that would solve many of the racial problems."
But state Sen. Richard Pan (D-Sacramento), who is leading the drive to establish an Office of Racial Equity, said funding and state leadership focused intensely on structural racism are essential to ending it. Should the office not be funded in the budget, Pan said he'd press forward with a bill.
The office would work with the state's new chief equity officer to examine the California government, including state hiring practices, proposed legislation and budget spending decisions, for evidence of racism or inequality.
It's a priority for the legislature's Asian & Pacific Islander Legislative Caucus, given the rise in hate crimes perpetrated against people of Asian descent, Pan said.
"We need to invest more in prevention," Pan said. "The state needs to step up and support communities of color."
Victoria Cooper thought her drinking habits in college were just like everyone else's. Shots at parties. Beers while bowling. Sure, she got more refills than some and missed classes while nursing hangovers, but she couldn't have a problem, she thought.
"Because of what my picture of alcoholism was — old men who brown-bagged it in a parking lot — I thought I was fine," said Cooper, now sober and living in Chapel Hill, North Carolina.
That common image of who is affected by alcohol disorders, echoed throughout pop culture, was misleading over a decade ago when Cooper was in college. And it's even less representative today.
For nearly a century, women have been closing the gender gap in alcohol consumption, binge-drinking and alcohol use disorder. What was previously a 3-1 ratio for risky drinking habits in men versus women is closer to 1-to-1 globally, a 2016 analysis of several studies suggested.
And the latest U.S. data from 2019 shows that women in their teens and early 20s reported drinking and getting drunk at higher rates than their male peers — in some cases for the first time since researchers began measuring such behavior.
This trend parallels the rise in mental health concerns among young women, and researchers worry the long-term effects of the COVID-19 pandemic could amplify both patterns.
"It's not only that we're seeing women drinking more, but that they're really being affected by this physically and mental health-wise," said Dawn Sugarman, a research psychologist at McLean Hospital in Massachusetts who has studied addiction in women.
Research shows women suffer health consequences of alcohol — liver disease, heart disease and cancer — more quickly than men and even at lower levels of consumption.
Perhaps most concerning is that the rising gender equality in alcohol use doesn't extend to the recognition or treatment of alcohol disorders, Sugarman said. So even as some women drink more, they're often less likely to get the help they need.
In Cooper's case, drinking eventually led her to drop out of college at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill. She moved back home and was soon taking a shot or two of vodka each morning before heading to the office for her finance job, followed by two at lunch.
When she tried to quit on her own, she was quickly pulled back by the disease.
"That's when I got scared, when I tried to not drink and only made it two days," said Cooper, now 30. "I was drinking for survival, basically."
Drinking to Cope
Although the gender gap in alcohol consumption is narrowing among all ages, the reasons differ. For people over 26, women are increasing their alcohol consumption faster than men. Among teens and young adults, however, there's an overall decline in drinking. The decline is simply slower for women.
That may sound like progress, said Aaron White, a senior scientific adviser at the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism. But it may indicate larger underlying issues.
"We have a real concern that while there might be fewer people drinking, many of those who are drinking might be doing so specifically to try to cope," White said. "And that is problematic."
Research suggests that people who drink to cope — as opposed to drinking for pleasure — have a higher risk of developing alcohol-use disorder. And while every individual's reasons for drinking are different, studies have found women are more likely to drink to cope than men.
In Cooper's teenage years, alcohol helped her overcome social anxiety, she said. Then she was sexually assaulted, and a new pattern emerged. Drink to deal with trauma. Experience new trauma while drinking. Repeat. "It's hard to get out of that cycle of shame, drinking and abuse," Cooper said.
Women are statistically more likely to experience childhood abuse or sexual assault than men. In recent years, studies have found rates of depression, anxiety, eating disorders and suicide are climbing among teenaged and young adult women. That could be driving their alcohol use, White said.
And the layers of stress, isolation and trauma from COVID could make things worse.
One study that looked at alcohol's effects on college students early in the pandemic found increased alcohol use among those who reported higher levels of stress and anxiety. And several studies found women were more likely to report rises in drinking during the pandemic, especially if they experienced increased stress.
"For us to address issues with alcohol, we also need to address these pervasive issues with mental health," White said. "They are all related."
When Gillian Tietz began drinking in graduate school, she found a glass of wine helped ease her stress. But as soon as the glass emptied, her concerns worsened. Within a year, she began drinking daily. Anxiety kept her up at night and she started having suicidal thoughts, she said.
It was only when Tietz took a brief reprieve from alcohol that she noticed the connection. Suddenly, the suicidal thoughts stopped.
"That made the decision to quit really powerful," said Tietz, 30, who now hosts a podcast called Sober Powered. "I knew exactly what alcohol did to me."
Rising Risks: From Hangovers to Cancer
Until the 1990s, most research on alcohol focused on men. Now, as women approach parity in drinking habits, scientists are uncovering more about the unequal damage alcohol causes to their bodies.
Women generally have less body water, which dissolves alcohol, than men of the same weight. That means the same number of drinks leads to higher concentrations of alcohol in the blood, and their body tissues are exposed to more alcohol per drink.
The result? "From less years of alcohol use, women are getting sicker faster," said Sugarman, of McLean Hospital.
They're at greater risk for hangovers, blackouts, liver disease, alcohol-induced cardiovascular diseases and certain cancers. One study found alcohol-related visits to the emergency room from 2006 to 2014 increased 70% for women, compared with 58% for men. Another paper reported that the rate of alcohol-related cirrhosis rose 50% for women, versus 30% for men, from 2009 to 2015.
Yet when it comes to prevention and treatment of alcohol-related health issues, "that message is not really getting out there," Sugarman said.
As part of a research study, Sugarman and her colleagues gave women struggling with alcohol use information on how alcohol affects women differently than men. Some participants had been in detox 20 times yet had never heard this information, Sugarman said.
Research from Sugarman's colleagues found that women with alcohol use disorder had better outcomes when they were in women-only treatment groups, which included a focus on mental health and trauma, as well as education about gender-specific elements of addiction.
For Cooper, enrolling in a 90-day residential treatment program in 2018 drastically changed her own perception of who is affected by addiction. She found herself surrounded by other women in their 20s who also struggled with alcohol and other drugs. "It was the first time in a very long time that I had not felt alone," she said.
In 2019, she returned to UNC-Chapel Hill and finished her degree in women's and gender studies, even completing a capstone project on the links among sexual violence, trauma and addiction.
Although 12-step programs have helped Cooper stay sober for 3½ years now, she said, a downside to those efforts is that they are often male-dominated. Literature written by men. Advice geared toward men. Examples about men.
Cooper plans to return to school this fall for a master's in social work, with the goal of working to change that.
The combination of a virtual legislature and nursing home residents equipped with internet access has created an opportunity most nursing home residents rarely have — to participate in their government up close and in real time.
This article was published on Wednesday, June 9, 2021 in Kaiser Health News.
Patty Bausch isn't a Medicaid expert, lawyer or medical professional. But she still thinks Connecticut legislators need her input when they consider bills affecting people like her — the roughly 18,000 residents who live in the state's nursing homes.
With help and encouragement from Connecticut's Long Term Care Ombudsman Program, Bausch signed up and testified remotely before a legislative hearing this year. Nursing home residents who have been using digital technology to reach out to family and friends — after the COVID pandemic led officials to end visitation last year — could also use it to connect with elected officials once the legislature moved to remote hearings. Speaking into an iPad provided by the ombudsman's office, Bausch testified without ever leaving her room at the Newtown Rehabilitation & Healthcare Center, where she has lived since having a stroke three years ago.
The combination of a virtual legislature and nursing home residents equipped with internet access has created an opportunity most nursing home residents rarely have — to participate in their government up close and in real time.
After Bausch signed in to watch the hearing, a committee clerk signaled when her turn was next. She had the spotlight and just three minutes to make her point.
"At first it was a little intimidating because you want to make sure you don't say the wrong thing," said Bausch, who never testified before. The feeling quickly passed when she looked down at her notes. She explained why she supported a $12.50 raise in the $60 monthly allowance the state provides Medicaid residents to pay for personal items, such as toiletries, phone bills or even a greeting card. Her words reflected experience few other witnesses offered.
"I know what it's like to have no money," she said later. "I live it."
After visitors were banned last year, the ombudsman program, a federal- and state-funded consumer advocate for nursing home residents, and the state public health department distributed tablets for virtual visits with relatives and friends. The ombudsman bought theirs using federal aid and the state agency provided 800 tablets to nursing home residents last year using money collected from fines the nursing homes paid to settle health and safety violations.
Mairead Painter, Connecticut's long-term care ombudsman, frequently advises legislators and testifies at hearings, but she also urges residents to speak for themselves.
"I think that people underestimate the abilities that individuals have because of the [institutional] setting where they receive their long-term services and support," said Painter. "Your opinions don't go away because you had some sort of a medical event." And not all residents are extremely elderly, frail or unable to communicate.
"For years, nursing homes were thought to be a place where people go to die," said Jeanette Sullivan-Martinez, who has lived at the Pendleton Health & Rehabilitation Center in Mystic, Connecticut, since 2008. "But now these are places where people go to live to the best that they possibly can."
She has testified in person and virtually as president of the Statewide Coalition of Presidents of Resident Councils. She has multiple sclerosis, limited movement in her arms and hands and is unable to walk. When she testified in person in 2019, she was accompanied by a nursing aide and made the hour-long trek to Hartford and back in a van that could accommodate her wheelchair. The ombudsman's office covered her expenses.
Before the lockdown, some people might have been able to testify over the telephone or submit written comments, but the only way to be seen and heard was to register in advance, travel to the capital, make your way to the hearing room and then wait your turn. Since everyone who signs up is allowed to speak, you could be waiting several hours, said Anna Doroghazi, Connecticut AARP's advocacy director, who works closely with legislators and their staffs.
But when Sullivan-Martinez testified using her tablet this year, all she needed was someone to help her connect to the hearing from her nursing home room. With several dozen witnesses scheduled before her, she also made sure it was plugged in so the battery wouldn't run down during the long wait.
"I am thrilled that I have the opportunity to use my voice for myself as well as for all of those other residents living in nursing homes that I represent, to be able to have a voice on issues that affect us," she said.
The ombudsman's website has a special "advocacy center" page to help residents and their families keep up with the latest legislative action and tips for participating in the law-making process.
During Painter's regular Facebook chats with residents and their families, she provides updates on pending legislation and other news. In response to questions, she reviews the ins and outs of virtual legislative hearings. Doroghazi also has hosted a virtual intensive boot camp for resident council presidents about what legislators want to hear and how to tell their stories.
So far this year, nursing home residents have testified in support of legislation to improve staffing levels, create a designated "essential support person" with special visitation privileges, and allow "technology of their choice" in their rooms to communicate with whomever they wish, among other proposals. The latter passed unanimously in both chambers, said Doroghazi, "and we expect the governor to sign it into law."
Rep. Anne Hughes, vice chair of the Joint Committee on Aging who also works in a nursing home as a social worker, said she would like the option for virtual testimony to be permanent.
A bill to do that has been introduced. Committees or public agencies holding hearings would be required to accept testimony from members of nursing home councils and family councils "in a manner and format that provides for the greatest input … via technology with audio or video capabilities."
"The COVID pandemic has definitely opened the way we do the people's business," said Hughes.
When a filmmaker asked medical historian Naomi Rogers to appear in a documentary, the Yale professor didn't blink. She had done these "talking head" interviews many times before.
She assumed her comments would end up in a straightforward documentary that addressed some of the most pressing concerns of the pandemic, such as the legacy of racism in medicine and how that plays into current mistrust in some communities of color. The subject of vaccines was also mentioned, but the focus wasn't clear to Rogers.
The director wanted something more polished than a Zoom call, so a well-outfitted camera crew arrived at Rogers' home in Connecticut last fall. They showed up wearing masks and gloves. Before the interview, crew members cleaned the room thoroughly. Then they spent about an hour interviewing Rogers. She discussed her research and in particular controversial figures such as Dr. James Marion Sims, who was influential in the field of gynecology but who performed experimental surgery on enslaved Black women during the 1800s without anesthesia.
"We were talking about issues of racism and experimentation, and they seemed to be handled appropriately," Rogers recalled. At the time, there were few indications that anything was out of the ordinary — except one. During a short break, she asked who else was being interviewed for the film. The producer's response struck Rogers as curiously vague.
"They said, 'Well, there's 'a guy' in New York, and we talked to 'somebody in New Jersey, and California,'" Rogers told NPR. "I thought it's so odd that they wouldn't tell me who these people were."
It wasn't until March that Rogers would stumble upon the answer.
She received an email from a group called Children's Health Defense — prominent in the anti-vaccine movement — promoting its new film, "Medical Racism: The New Apartheid."
When she clicked on the link and began watching the 57-minute film, she was shocked to discover this was the movie she had sat down for back in October.
"I was naive, certainly, in assuming that this was actually a documentary, which I would say it is not. I think that it is an advocacy piece for anti-vaxxers," Rogers said. "I'm still very angry. I feel that I was used."
The free online film is the latest effort by Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the founder of Children's Health Defense. (He's a son of former U.S. Attorney General Robert "Bobby" Kennedy and nephew of President John F. Kennedy.) With this film, Kennedy and his allies in the anti-vaccine movement resurface and promote disproven claims about the dangers of vaccines, while aiming squarely at a specific demographic: Black Americans.
The film draws a line from the real and disturbing history of racism and atrocities in the medical field — such as the Tuskegee syphilis study — to interviews with anti-vaccine activists who warn communities of color to be suspicious of modern-day vaccines.
At one point in "Medical Racism," viewers are warned that "in Black communities something is very sinister" and "the same thing that happened in the 1930s during the eugenics movement" is happening again.
The movie then displays a chart claiming to use that same CDC data — obtained through a Freedom of Information Act request — to make a connection between vaccinating Black children and autism risk. The findings in the chart closely resemble another study sometimes mentioned by anti-vaccine activists, but the medical journal later retracted the study, because of "undeclared competing interests on the part of the author" and "concerns about the validity of the methods and statistical analysis." (That study's author was a paid independent contractor for Kennedy's group as of 2020 and sits on its board of directors.)
The film also brings up a 2014 study from the Mayo Clinic that showed Somali Americans and African Americans have a more robust immune response to the rubella vaccine than Caucasians and Hispanic Americans. One of those interviewed in Kennedy's film then asks, "So if you have that process that could be caused by vaccines, why wouldn't there be a link between vaccines and developmental delays?"
But the study's author, leading vaccine researcher Dr. Gregory Poland, said this conjecture is not accurate.
According to a statement provided to NPR by the Mayo Clinic, the study demonstrated "higher protective immune responses in African-American subjects with no evidence of increased vaccine side effects," and any claim of "'increased vulnerability' among African-Americans who receive the rubella vaccine is simply not supported by either this study or the science."
For her part, Rogers, the Yale professor, appears for only about 14 seconds in the film. Her quotes are accurate. But her remarks are embedded in a wider narrative that she has "enormous problems with" — namely that the anti-vaccine movement is heroically engaged in a new civil rights campaign, one meant to stop experimentation on the Black community.
Rogers said the film uses many ideas she holds "passionately, like health disparities, fighting racism in health, working against discrimination, and it's been twisted for the purposes of this anti-vax movement."
Another credible expert from mainstream medicine also appears in the film: Dr. Oliver Brooks, the immediate past president of the National Medical Association. The group is the largest organization representing African American physicians in the United States.
Brooks said he agreed to be in the film because he wanted to provide balance, but after seeing it he regrets doing the interview.
"The crux of the documentary is generally 'Don't get vaccinated,'" Brooks told NPR in a recent interview. "There is an understandable concern in the African American community regarding vaccines — however, in the end, my position is you look past those, have an understanding of those and still get vaccinated. … That nuance was not felt or presented in the documentary."
Kennedy's group released the film in early March, just as the COVID-19 vaccine was becoming widely available to the American public.
"The film basically wants people to recognize this history that leads right into the present, and especially when they're facing decisions about whether they should take any vaccine, including COVID," said Curtis Cost, one of the film's co-producers and a longtime anti-vaccine activist.
Cost said the film does not explicitly tell people to refuse the COVID vaccine, but it "goes all the way to the present experimentations and bad things have been done by the medical establishment in America and in Africa and other parts of the world."
In an emailed statement, a spokesperson for Children's Health Defense denied that the film is misinformation and said it contains "peer reviewed science and historical data."
But the movie is "a classic example of the anti-vaccine industry with a highly targeted message using sophisticated marketing techniques and building alliances with affiliate organizations," said Imran Ahmed, CEO of the nonprofit Center for Countering Digital Hate, which has extensively researched figures such as Kennedy.
"They've seen the opportunity to target a specifically African American audience," he said, during a particular moment of heightened national attention on racial injustices and health disparities.
While there are efforts to improve access to the vaccine, media coverage has also focused heavily on historical reasons for vaccine skepticism — too much, some scholars argue, when the focus should be on how Black Americans experience the impact of systemic racism in healthcare today — and how to fix those problems and improve trust.
"We're in this moment where we're having some necessary discussions about health equity," said Victor Agbafe, a medical student at the University of Michigan. "It's not a good thing to sort of exploit that as a means to undermine trust in the vaccine today, instead of focusing on how we can make the vaccine more accessible for all communities."
Agbafe, who helps lead his school's Black medical student association, was surprised to get an email from Children's Health Defense asking him to promote the movie among his peers.
When it was released, the film did not seem to gain much traction on major social media platforms such as Twitter, although tracking how often this kind of video is being shared privately can be difficult, said Kolina Koltai, a University of Washington researcher who studies the anti-vaccine movement online.
But Kennedy's anti-vaccine activities during the pandemic involve more than this movie.
In February, he was banned from Instagram for posting misinformation on vaccines, but he still has a home on Facebook and Twitter. Ahmed's organization has labeled Kennedy one of the "disinformation dozen" — a group of people responsible for 65% of the shares of anti-vaccine misinformation on social media platforms.
In a recent webinar about the film, Kennedy said those who agree with the film need to use "the tools of advocacy that Martin Luther King Jr. talked about" and promote it "guerrilla-style" against the "darkening cloud of totalitarianism."
Although more than half of American adults have gotten a COVID vaccine, demand is falling fast, and polls show almost one-third of adults still either want to "wait and see" or do not want to get the shot. When asked why, many say the vaccine is unsafe, based on false conspiracy theories.
"I see the downstream ripple effects of disinformation every day in practice, every day in the patients' lives I treat," said Dr. Atul Nakhasi with the Los Angeles County Department of Health Services and co-founder of the online campaign #ThisIsOurShot, which aims to encourage trust in the COVID vaccines.
"We know people have uncertainties, and we need to acknowledge that and have humble, respectful conversations, but for someone to actively subvert that trust is unconscionable," Nakhasi said.
According to the Center for Countering Digital Hate, the ideal strategy for stopping the spread of online misinformation is to cut it off at the source: meaning "deplatform" the most notorious spreaders of that information so they can't gain a following on social media in the first place. But Ahmed said that all too often tech companies don't take those steps themselves. In that case, the next best tactic is to try to "inoculate" people against false and misleading claims.
"You tell people in advance, 'Hey, something terrible is happening. Be careful — they're targeting you,'" Ahmed said.
This story is from a reporting partnership between NPR and KHN.
The Biden administration is encouraging states to hold on to hundreds of thousands of soon-to-expire COVID vaccine doses from Johnson & Johnson, given the possibility that additional data will show the shots are viable beyond their expiration date at month's end.
Dr. Janet Woodcock, acting commissioner of the Food and Drug Administration, told state officials during a White House call Tuesday that they could store expired doses until new data shows whether the vaccines are safe to use, according to multiple state officials.
State health officials have strenuouslywarned vaccine administrators against using expired doses. Now, though, the FDA appears optimistic that the Johnson & Johnson expiration dates — which begin to kick in later this month — could be extended, according to state officials who were on the call.
"This is really welcome news," said Dr. Joseph Kanter, state health officer for the Louisiana Department of Health. Louisiana has 14,000 J&J doses that will expire this month. "I think at the end of the day there'll be less waste."
The federal government has delivered 21.4 million doses of the company's vaccine to states, but just more than half — 11.2 million — have been administered, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. The quantity is a fraction of shipments of Pfizer-BioNTech's COVID vaccine, which are approaching 200 million doses, as well as Moderna's shot, which stands at more than 150 million doses.
As demand for vaccination has dwindled across the nation, state officials have stepped up public pleas for holdouts to get a shot. They've held discussions with the Biden administration about how to avert a glut of J&J doses — hundreds of thousands at a minimum — from going to waste. On Monday, Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine said 200,000 J&J doses would expire June 23 and the state had no legal way to send unused doses to other states or countries.
Through the Trump administration's Operation Warp Speed initiative, the federal government awarded J&J a $1 billion contract to deliver 100 million doses of its COVID vaccine.
The J&J single-dose vaccine lasts three months under refrigeration and two years frozen. Extending the expiration date is seen as a more feasible option for quickly preserving thousands of doses, as opposed to redistributing them to other states or countries, state officials say.
"There aren't that many states right now that are needing more vaccine than what they have in hand," said Dr. Marcus Plescia, chief medical officer of the Association of State and Territorial Health Officials. "There's enough out there."
Federal officials believe data about the expiring June doses from an ongoing stability study will come in in roughly a month, two state officials said.
"We also continue to conduct stability testing with the goal of extending the amount of time our COVID-19 vaccine can be stored before expiry," a J&J spokesperson said. "We will share further information as we are able to."
The White House declined to specify the number of J&J doses nationally that will expire this month. The FDA declined to comment on Woodcock's remarks.
Once viewed as crucial to the U.S. vaccination effort for persuading on-the-fence people to get the single-shot dose, J&J has played a modest role. Officials partly attribute that to federal regulators temporarily halting its use in April after reports of rare but serious blood clots.
"That just appears to have slowed demand," Plescia said. The company previously said it would deliver the 100 million doses by the end of June.
As far as Jim Mangia, chief executive of St. John's Well Child and Family Center, can tell, the demand ground to a halt once the FDA OK'd resuming use of the J&J vaccine. Mangia said his network of 26 clinics in the Los Angeles area has more than 14,000 doses on hand that county officials have been unwilling to take back.
He said patients who liked the one-shot benefit requested it before the safety concerns, but since then there have been no requests. "Whenever we offer it, everyone says no," he said.
Mangia said his clinic network is seeing overall distribution of the vaccines remain steady as sites expand hours and offer Friday night vaccine events for those concerned about missing work because of possible side effects. But given the lack of interest in J&J's vaccine, he said, he doesn't think moving the expiration date will improve matters.
Officials in West Virginia have more than 20,000 doses of J&J's vaccine on hand but little backlog of other COVID vaccines, said state COVID czar Dr. Clay Marsh, who is also vice president of West Virginia University Health Sciences. Officials offered the excess to other states, but there were no takers. Marsh said they approached the federal government about sending the unused doses to countries that need it, but have learned the logistics are challenging.
"If we're not able to use something that can save lives, we're trying to see if there's someone who can," he said.
As of Tuesday, 52% of Americans had received at least one dose of COVID vaccine, according to the CDC.
Officials have also engaged in public finger-pointing about the expiring doses, with some state and local officials calling for more federal help to redistribute the doses already delivered. Meanwhile, Andy Slavitt, White House senior adviser for the COVID-19 response, noted in a Tuesday call with reporters that vaccine doses ordered by state officials "should end up in people's arms" and governors should work directly with the FDA on proper storage.
"There are plenty of people across the country, in every state, that still haven't been vaccinated, that are eligible, that are at risk and need to get vaccinated," he said.
Black patients are about four times as likely to have kidney failure as white Americans, and who make up more than 35% of people on dialysis but just 13% of the U.S. population.
This article was published on Tuesday, June 8, 2021 in Kaiser Health News.
Alphonso Harried recently came across a newspaper clipping about his grandfather receiving his 1,000th dialysis treatment. His grandfather later died — at a dialysis center — as did his uncle, both from kidney disease.
"And that comes in my mind, on my weak days: 'Are you going to pass away just like they did?'" said Harried, 46, who also has the disease.
He doesn't like to dwell on that. He has gigs to play as a musician, a ministry to run with his wife and kids to protect as a school security guard.
Yet he must juggle all that around three trips each week to a dialysis center in Alton, Illinois, about 20 miles from his home in St. Louis, to clean his blood of the impurities his kidneys can no longer flush out. He's waiting for a transplant, just as his uncle did before him.
"It's just frustrating," Harried said. "I'm stuck in the same pattern."
Thousands of other Americans with failing kidneys are also stuck, going to dialysis as they await new kidneys that may never come. That's especially true of Black patients, like Harried, who are about four times as likely to have kidney failure as white Americans, and who make up more than 35% of people on dialysis but just 13% of the U.S. population. They're also less likely to get on the waitlist for a kidney transplant, and less likely to receive a transplant once on the list.
An algorithm doctors use may help perpetuate such disparities. It uses race as a factor in evaluating all stages of kidney disease care: diagnosis, dialysis and transplantation.
It's a simple metric that uses a blood test, plus the patient's age and sex and whether they're Black. It makes Black patients appear to have healthier kidneys than non-Black patients, even when their blood measurements are identical.
"It is as close to stereotyping a particular group of people as it can be," said Dr. Rajnish Mehrotra, a nephrologist with the University of Washington School of Medicine.
This race coefficient has recently come under fire for being imprecise, leading to potentially worse outcomes for Black patients and less chance of receiving a new kidney. A national task force of kidney experts and patients is studying how to replace it. Some institutions have already stopped using it.
But how best to assess a patient's kidney function remains uncertain, and some medical experts say fixing this equation is only one step in creating more equitable care, a process complicated by factors far deeper than a math problem.
"There are so many inequities in kidney disease that stem from broader structural racism," said Dr. Deidra Crews, a nephrologist and the associate director for research development at the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Equity. "It is just a sliver of what the broader set of issues are when it comes to both disparities and inequities in who gets kidney disease in the first place, and then in the care processes."
Why Race Has Been Part of the Equation
Kidneys filter about 40 gallons of blood a day, like a Brita filter for the body. They keep in the good stuff and send out the bad through urine. But unlike other organs, kidneys don't easily repair themselves.
Furthermore, it's hard to gauge whether kidneys are working properly. Gold-standard tests involve a chemical infusion and hours of collecting blood and urine to see how quickly the kidneys flush the chemical out. An algorithm is much more efficient.
Buoyed by activism around structural racism, those seeking equity in healthcare have recently been calling out the algorithm as an example of the racism baked into American medicine. Researchers writing in the New England Journal of Medicine last year included kidney equations in a laundry list of race-adjusted algorithms used to evaluate parts of the body — from heart and lungs to bones and breasts. Such equations, they wrote, can "perpetuate or even amplify race-based health inequities."
In March, ahead of the national task force's upcoming formal recommendation, leaders in kidney care said race modifiers should be removed. And Fresenius Medical Care, one of the two largest U.S. dialysis companies, said the race component is "problematic."
Until the late 1990s, doctors primarily used the Cockcroft-Gault equation. It didn't ask for race, but used age, weight and the blood level of creatinine — a chemical that's basically the trash left after muscles move. A high level of creatinine in the blood signals that kidneys are not doing their job of disposing of it. But the equation was based on a study of just 249 white men.
Then, researchers wrapping up a study on how to slow down kidney disease realized they were sitting on a mother lode of data that could rewrite that equation: gold-standard kidney function measurements from about 1,600 patients, 12% of whom were Black. They evaluated 16 variables, including age, sex, diabetes diagnosis and blood pressure.
They landed on something that accurately predicted the kidney function of patients better than the old equation. Except it made the kidneys of Black participants appear to be sicker than the gold-standard test showed they were.
The authors reasoned it might be caused by muscle mass. Participants with more muscle mass would likely have more creatinine in their blood, not because their kidneys were failing to remove it, but because they just had more muscles producing more waste. So they "corrected" Black patients' results for that difference.
Dr. Andrew S. Levey, a professor at Tufts University School of Medicine who led the study, said it doesn't make intuitive sense to include race — now widely considered a social construct — in an equation about biology.
Still, in 1999, he and others published the race equation, then updated it a decade later. Though other equations exist that don't involve race, Levey's latest version, often referred to as the "CKD-EPI" equation, is recommended for clinical use. It shows a Black patient's kidneys functioning 16% better than those of a non-Black patient with the same blood work.
Removing the Race Number
Many patients don't know about this equation and how their race has factored into their care.
"I really wish someone would have mentioned it," Harried said.
He said it burned him up "knowing that this one little test that I didn't know anything about could keep me from — or prolong me — getting a kidney."
Glenda V. Roberts curbed her kidney disease with a vegan diet and by conducting meetings as an IT executive while walking. But after more than 40 years of slow decline, her kidney function finally reached the cutoff required to get on the transplant waitlist. When it did, the decline was swift — a pattern researchers have noted in Black patients. "It really makes you wonder what the benefit is of having an equation that will cause people who look like me — Black people — to get referrals later, to have to wait longer before you can get on the transplant list, but then have your disease progress more rapidly," she said.
Roberts, who is now the director of external relations at the University of Washington's Kidney Research Institute in Seattle and on the national task force, said a genetic test added to her feeling that a "Black/non-Black" option in an equation was a charade.
"In fact, I am not predominantly of African ancestry. I'm 25% Native American. I'm Swedish and English and French," said Roberts. "But I am also 48% from countries that are on the continent of Africa."
The Black/non-Black question also doesn't make sense to Delgado, the University of California nephrologist. "I would probably for some people qualify as being non-Black," said Delgado, who is Puerto Rican. "But for others, I would qualify as Black."
So, theoretically, if Delgado were to visit two doctors on the same day, and they guessed her race instead of asking, she could come away with two different readings of how well her kidneys are working.
Researchers found that the race factor doesn't work for Black Europeans or patients in West Africa. Australian researchers found using the race coefficient led them to overestimate the kidney function of Indigenous Australians.
But in the U.S., Levey and other researchers seeking to replace the race option with physical measurements, such as height and weight, hit a dead end.
To Crews, the Johns Hopkins nephrologist who is also on the national taskforce, the focus on one equation is myopic. The algorithm suggests that something about Black people's bodies affects their kidneys. Crews thinks that's the wrong approach to addressing disparities: The issue is not what's unique about the inner workings of Black bodies, but instead what's going on around them.
"I really wish we could measure that instead of using race as a variable in the estimating equations," she said on the "Freely Filtered" podcast. "I don't think it's ancestry. I don't think it's muscle mass."
It might not be that Black bodies are more likely to have more creatinine in the blood, but that Americans who experience housing insecurity and barriers to healthy food, quality medical care and timely referrals are more likely to have creatinine in their blood — and that many of them happen to be Black.
Systemic health disparities help explain why Black patients have unusually high rates of kidney failure, since communities of color have less access to regular primary care. One of the most serious consequences of poorly controlled diabetes and hypertension is failure of the organ.
Direct discrimination — intentional or not — from providers may also affect outcomes, said Roberts. She recalled a social worker categorizing her as unable to afford the post-transplant drugs required to keep a transplanted organ healthy, which could have delayed her getting a new organ. Roberts has held executive roles at several multimillion-dollar companies.
Delgado and Levey agree that removing race from the formula might feel better on the surface, but it isn't clear the move would actually help people.
Studies recently published in the Journal of the American Medical Association and the Journal of the American Society of Nephrology noted that removing the race factor could lead to some Black patients being disqualified from using beneficial medications because their kidneys might appear unable to handle them. It could also disqualify some Black people from donating a kidney.
"Fiddling with the algorithms is an imperfect way to achieve equity," Levey said.
As researchers debate the math problem and broader societal ones, patients such as Harried, the St. Louis minister and security guard, are still stuck navigating dialysis.
"One of things that keeps me going is knowing that soon they may call me for a kidney," Harried said.
He doesn't know how long his name will be on the transplant waitlist — or whether the race coefficient has prolonged the wait — but he keeps a hospital bag under his bed to be ready.
Aerospace giant Boeing tested two kinds of ionization technologies — like those widely adopted in schools hoping to combat COVID — to determine how well each killed germs on surfaces and decided that neither was effective enough to install on its commercial planes.
Boeing noted in its conclusion that "air ionization has not shown significant disinfection effectiveness."
Companies that make the air purifiers say they emit charged ions, or "activated oxygen," that are said to inactivate bacteria and viruses in the air. Boeing did not test the technology's effectiveness in the air, only on surfaces. It also used a "surrogate" for the virus that causes COVID-19.
The Boeing study has been cited in a federal lawsuit filed by a Maryland consumer against Global Plasma Solutions, maker of the "needlepoint bipolar ionization" technology that a Boeing spokesperson said its engineers tested.
The proposed class-action lawsuit says GPS makes "deceptive, misleading, and false" claims about its products based on company-funded studies that are "not applicable to real world conditions."
A GPS spokesperson said the lawsuit is "baseless and misleading" and that the company will aggressively defend against it. He added that Boeing "researchers deemed the study 'inconclusive.'"
"Plaintiff's Complaint throws the proverbial kitchen sink at GPS in the hopes that something might stick," the air purifier company says in court documents filed May 24 as part of its motion to dismiss the proposed class action. "But it is devoid of any concrete, specific allegations plausibly alleging that GPS made even a single false or deceptive statement about its products."
The plaintiff's case cites a KHN investigation that found that more than 2,000 U.S. schools had bought air-purifying technology, including ionizers. Many schools used federal funds to purchase the products. In April, a COVID-19 commission task force from The Lancet, a leading medical journal, composed of top international health, education and air-quality experts, called various air-cleaning technologies — ionization, plasma and dry hydrogen peroxide — "often unproven."
Boeing said in its report that with ionization there is "very little external peer reviewed research in comparison to other traditional disinfection technologies" such as chemical, UV and thermal disinfection and HEPA filters, all of which it relies on to sanitize its planes.
The controversy is getting the attention of school officials from coast to coast. They include one California superintendent who cited the lawsuit and switched off that district's more than 400 GPS devices.
For worried parents and academic air-quality experts who regard industry-backed studies with skepticism, the Boeing report heightens their concerns.
"This [study] is totally damning," said Delphine Farmer, a Colorado State University associate professor who specializes in atmospheric and indoor chemistry who reviewed the Boeing report. "It should just raise flags for absolutely everyone."
'No Reduction' in Bacteria
GPS pointed to another study, one conducted in the weeks before Boeing began its study in September, by a third-party lab. It completed a study of twodevices — powered by GPS technology — that another aviation company now markets to clean the air and surfaces in planes.
That study looked at the effect of the ionizers on the virus that causes COVID-19 when used on aluminum, a type of plastic called Kydex and leather. The test report shows it was conducted in a sealed, 20-by-8-foot chamber, with airflow speeds of 2,133 feet per minute — or about 24 mph. At the end of 30 minutes, "the overall average decrease in active virus" was more than 99%.
"Given the specific environment this was tested in, the quality of the materials, and the method in which the virus was dispersed, it is safe to say that the bipolar ionization system used in this experiment has the ability to deactivate SARS-CoV-2 with the given ion counts," the Aug. 7 report from the third-party lab says.
The following month, Boeing began its own testing of GPS devices and another kind of ionization technology.
The Boeing study cites a GPS white paper that says its device killed 99.68% of E. coli bacteria in one test in 15 minutes. GPS records show the test was done on bacteria suspended in the air. The Boeing engineers used the company's technology to try to kill E. coli on surfaces in a lab but found "no observable reduction in viability" after an hour.
The Boeing study notes it "was unable to replicate supplier results in terms of antimicrobial effectiveness."
GPS cautioned that the Boeing tests examined disinfection of surfaces, not the air: "While GPS products do have the ability to help reduce pathogens in air and on surfaces, GPS products are not chemical surface disinfectants."
Yet surface tests comprise half of the test results the company lists on its "pathogen reduction" webpage, a GPS spokesperson confirmed.
Boeing researchers found another lab result they could not replicate: While the GPS white paper reported a 96.24% reduction in Staphylococcus aureus in 30 minutes, Boeing engineers found "no reductions" in the bacteria in an hourlong test.
Boeing found minimal or no reduction on surfaces in four other pathogens it tested with GPS ionizers for an hour in a Huntsville, Alabama, lab.
Notably, Boeing's tests in Huntsville detected no hazardous ozone gas from the GPS unit, the report says. The "corona discharge" ionization technology from another vendor that Boeing also studied did emit ozone at levels that "exceeded regulatory standards."
A University of Arizona lab test described in the Boeing study found that the GPS device showed a 66.7% inactivation of a common cold coronavirus on a surface after an hour of exposure at up to 62,000 negative ions per cubic centimeter. That ion level is far higher than the amount of ions company leaders have said the devices tend to deliver to a typical room. Those levels have ranged from 2,000 to 10,000 and even up to 30,000 ions per cubic centimeter when an HVAC system is running, according to records provided to KHN and statements made by companyrepresentatives.
In a presentation during a Berkeley Unified School District meeting in California, a physicist who appeared with executives said a level of more than 60,000 ions per cubic centimeter "has been shown to be not healthy."
GPS noted that Boeing deemed the 66.7% effectiveness rate in killing the common cold virus "statistically significant." A GPS spokesperson said the result validates needlepoint bipolar ionization's "effectiveness against certain pathogens." In its report, Boeing called the test results "inconclusive" due to "lack of experimental confirmation."
A GPS spokesperson also highlighted a passage in the Boeing report's conclusion that said: "There remains significant interest in air ionization due to lack of byproduct production, minimal risk to human health, minimum risk to airplane materials and systems, and the potential for persistent disinfection of air and surfaces under specific flow conditions."
The Boeing study concluded in January. In April, GPS published the results of additional tests it funded at a third-party lab showing its technology "is highly effective in neutralizing the SARS-CoV-2 pathogen."
Boeing engineers said their study highlights the need for those in the ionization business to standardize the evaluation of the technology "to allow comparison to other proven methods of disinfection."
Ripple Effects of the Boeing Study
On May 7, law firms representing a man who spent over $750 on a GPS air cleaner in Texas filed the "fraudulent concealment" lawsuit against GPS in U.S. District Court in Delaware.
The lawsuit claims that the defendant's "misrepresentations and false statements were woven into an extensive and long-term advertising campaign … accelerating during the COVID-19 pandemic."
"People are being victimized by these companies for profit," said Mickey Mills, a Houston attorney for the plaintiff. "People are scared because of COVID, and they capitalize on it."
In filing a motion to dismiss the case, GPS told the court the lawsuit was an "attempt to distort the facts and assert baseless claims, doing grave damage to GPS's business in the process."
The GPS court document also says the disclaimers on its website "make it unreasonable for any consumers to believe that the efficacy demonstrated in GPS studies will necessarily be the same for their particular application."
It asserts that most of the GPS statements identified in the plaintiff's lawsuit — such as "safe to use" and "cleaner air" — amount to "non-actionable puffery" as they are "vague generalities and statements of opinion."
The lawsuit spurred a Newark, California, school district to turn off its GPS devices, according to a May 18 memo from Superintendent Mark Triplett to district families. The district spent nearly $360,000 on the devices, an April board presentation shows.
The roughly 5,500-student district bought GPS units for every school HVAC system, Triplett said in a March school board meeting in which he noted the technology "arguably is much better than any filter." By May, he said in the memo the district had become aware of the lawsuit "alleging the misrepresentation" of the devices and would continue to monitor the situation.
A company spokesperson noted GPS appreciates Newark's concerns and has reached out to share additional data and answer questions, as well as extended "an offer to conduct onsite testing to verify the safety of this technology and the added benefits."
Megan McMillen, vice president of the Newark Teachers Association and a special education preschool teacher, said it was disheartening to know the cash-strapped district in the Bay Area spent so much on the devices instead of other safety measures or services to mitigate learning loss after the chaotic pandemic year.
"For such a big chunk of that [money] going to something potentially ineffective … is really frustrating," she said.
States that were slow to use health centers in the vaccine rollout made a mistake that has made it difficult to get a handle on COVID in the most vulnerable communities.
This article was published on Tuesday, June 8, 2021 in Kaiser Health News.
In the 1960s, healthcare across the Mississippi Delta was sparse and much of it was segregated. Some hospitals were dedicated to Black patients, but they often struggled to stay afloat. At the height of the civil rights movement, young Black doctors launched a movement of their own to address the care disparity.
"Mississippi was third-world and was so bad and so separated," said Dr. Robert Smith. "The community health center movement was the conduit for physicians all over this country who believed that all people have a right to healthcare."
In 1967, Smith helped start Delta Health Center, the country's first rural community health center. They put the clinic in Mound Bayou, a small town in the heart of the Delta, in northwestern Mississippi. The center became a national model and is now one of nearly 1,400 such clinics across the country. These clinics, called federally qualified health centers, are a key resource in Mississippi, Louisiana and Alabama, where about 2 in 5 people live in rural areas. Throughout the U.S., about 1 in 5 people live in rural areas.
The COVID-19 pandemic has only exacerbated the challenges facing rural healthcare, such as lack of broadband internet access and limited public transportation. For much of the vaccine rollout, those barriers have made it difficult for providers, like community health centers, to get shots into the arms of their patients.
"I just assumed that [the vaccine] would flow like water, but we really had to pry open the door to get access to it," said Smith, who still practices family medicine in Mississippi.
Mound Bayou was founded by formerly enslaved people, many of whom became farmers.
The once-thriving downtown was home to some of the first Black-owned businesses in the state. Today the town is dotted with shuttered or rundown banks, hotels and gas stations.
Mitch Williams grew up on a Mound Bayou farm in the 1930s and '40s and spent long days working the soil.
"If you would cut yourself, they wouldn't put no sutures in, no stitches in it. You wrapped it up and kept going," Williams said.
When Delta Health Center started operations in 1967, it was explicitly for all residents of all races — and free to those who needed financial help.
Williams, 85, was one of its first patients.
"They were seeing patients in the local churches. They had mobile units. I had never seen that kind of comprehensive care," he said.
Residents really needed it. In the 1960s, many people in Mound Bayou and the surrounding area didn't have clean drinking water or indoor plumbing.
At the time, the 12,000 Black residents of northern Bolivar County, which includes Mound Bayou, faced unemployment rates as high as 75% and lived on a median annual income of just $900 (around $7,500 in today's dollars), according to a congressional report. The infant mortality rate was close to 60 for every 1,000 live births — four times the rate for affluent Americans.
Delta Health Center employees helped people insulate their homes. They built outhouses and provided food and sometimes even traveled to patients' homes to offer care, if someone didn't have transportation. Staffers believed these factors affected health outcomes, too.
Williams, who later worked for Delta Health, said he's not sure where the community would be today if the center didn't exist.
"It's frightening to think of it," he said.
Half a century later, the Delta Health Center continues to provide accessible and affordable care in and around Mound Bayou.
Black Southerners still face barriers to health. In April 2020, early in the pandemic, Black residents accounted for nearly half of COVID deaths in Alabama and over 70% in Louisiana and Mississippi.
Public health data from last month shows that Black residents of those states have consistently been more likely to die of COVID than residents of other races.
"We have a lot of chronic health conditions here, particularly concentrated in the Mississippi Delta, that lead to higher rates of complications and death with COVID," said Nadia Bethley, a clinical psychologist at the center. "It's been tough."
Delta Health Center has grown over the decades, from a few trailers in Mound Bayou to a chain of 18 clinics across five counties. It's managed to vaccinate over 5,500 people against COVID. The majority have been Black.
"We don't have the National Guard, you know, lining up out here, running our site. It's the people who work here," Bethley said.
The Mississippi State Department of Health said it has prioritized health centers since the beginning of the rollout. But said the center was receiving only a couple of hundred doses a week in January and February. The supply became more consistent around early March, center officials said.
"Many states would be much further ahead had they utilized community health centers from the very beginning," Fairman said. Fairman said his center saw success with vaccinations because of its long-standing relationships with the local communities.
"Use the infrastructure that's already in place, that has community trust," said Fairman.
That was the entire point of the health center movement in the first place, said Smith. He said states that were slow to use health centers in the vaccine rollout made a mistake that has made it difficult to get a handle on COVID in the most vulnerable communities.
Smith called the slow dispersal of vaccines to rural health centers "an example of systemic racism that continues."
A spokesperson for Mississippi's health department said it is "committed to providing vaccines to rural areas but, given the rurality of Mississippi, it is a real challenge."
Alan Morgan, CEO of the National Rural Health Association, said the low dose allocation to rural health clinics and community health centers early on is "going to cost lives."
"With hospitalizations and mortality much higher in rural communities, these states need to focus on the hot spots, which in many cases are these small towns," Morgan said of the vaccine efforts in Mississippi, Louisiana and Alabama.
A report from KFF found that people of color made up the majority of people vaccinated at community health centers and that the centers seem to be vaccinating people at rates similar to or higher than their share of the population. (The KHN newsroom, which collaborated to produce this story, is an editorially independent program of KFF.)
The report added that "ramping up health centers' involvement in vaccination efforts at the federal, state and local levels" could be a meaningful step in "advancing equity on a larger scale."
Equal access to care in rural communities is necessary to reach the most vulnerable populations and is just as critical during this global health crisis as it was in the 1960s, according to Smith.
"When healthcare improves for Blacks, it will improve for all Americans," Smith said.
This story is from a partnership that includes NPR, KHN and the three stations that make up the Gulf States Newsroom: Mississippi Public Broadcasting; WBHM in Birmingham, Alabama; and WWNO in New Orleans.
State lawmakers are debating a bill to eliminate out-of-pocket expenses like copays and payments toward deductibles for abortions and related services, such as counseling.
This article was published on Monday, June 7, 2021 in Kaiser Health News.
SACRAMENTO, Calif. — Even as most states are trying to make it harder to get an abortion, California could make it free for more people.
State lawmakers are debating a bill to eliminate out-of-pocket expenses like copays and payments toward deductibles for abortions and related services, such as counseling. The measure, approved by the Senate and headed to the Assembly, would apply to most private health plans regulated by the state.
So far this year, 559 abortion restrictions have been introduced in 47 state legislatures, 82 of which have already been enacted, said Elizabeth Nash, a state policy analyst at the Guttmacher Institute, a nonpartisan research institute that studies abortion and reproductive healthcare. That's already the third-highest number of abortion restrictions adopted in a year since the U.S. Supreme Court's landmark Roe v. Wade ruling of 1973, which affirmed the legal right to an abortion, she said.
By comparison, just a handful of bills, including California's, would make it easier or cheaper to terminate a pregnancy, she said.
The state legislature is considering the bill just as the fate of Roe v. Wade has been thrown into question. The conservative-leaning Supreme Court has agreed to review later this year a Mississippi law that bans abortions after 15 weeks, and its ruling could end or weaken Roe.
"It's tough to know your reproductive rights may be in question again after it's been decided for 40 years," said state Sen. Lena Gonzalez (D-Long Beach), author of the California bill, SB 245. "We're taking a stance, not just to make abortions available but to make them free and equitable."
Abortion opponents believe the state should instead make birth and maternity care more affordable, said Wynette Sills, director of Californians for Life. Instead of giving patients more choices in their reproductive healthcare and family planning, this bill promotes just one option, Sills said.
"If we're trying to look out for the economically disadvantaged, I think it's repulsive that the best we can offer is a free abortion," she said.
California already offers broad protection for abortion. It's one of six states that require health insurance plans to cover abortions, and most enrollees in the state's Medicaid program for low-income people, Medi-Cal, pay nothing out-of-pocket for the procedure.
When Bella Calamore decided to seek an abortion in May 2020, she thought the procedure would be free through Medi-Cal. But at the clinic, she learned that her father had recently enrolled her in his Blue Cross Blue Shield plan, which told her she would owe $600 after insurance was applied.
"Financially, it just didn't seem reasonable for me to spend that," said Calamore, 22, of Riverside. A college student, she had lost her job as a waitress during the COVID pandemic and had no income. The abortion cost more than her rent that month, she said.
Calamore sat in her car, surrounded by anti-abortion protesters, and tried to figure out what to do. She decided to pay for the abortion, leaving $200 in her bank account, barely enough for food for the rest of the month.
Calamore later got involved with NARAL Pro-Choice America, a group that promotes abortion rights, and testified before the Senate Health Committee.
The bill would not apply to the millions of Californians whose health insurance plans are regulated by the federal government. Out of approximately 23,000 women who get abortions in California each year, roughly 9,650 would be affected by this bill, according to an analysis by the California Health Benefits Review Board.
The board estimates the bill would lead to a 1% increase in abortions among those whose cost sharing would be eliminated, or the equivalent of about 100 additional abortions per year.
While the measure likely would not significantly increase abortions, waiving costs would help those who would otherwise have to make financial sacrifices, like falling behind on rent or cutting back on groceries, said Jessica Pinckney, executive director of Access Reproductive Justice, a fund that helps people pay for abortions.
"We've noticed a lot of callers who had private insurance plans and really restrictive copays or high deductibles," Pinckney said. "They're really creating a barrier."
The cost of an abortion rises as a pregnancy progresses. A medical abortion, in which pills are used to terminate a pregnancy, costs California patients an average of $306 out-of-pocket, according to the board's analysis, but isn't available after 10 weeks. After that, the only option is a surgical abortion, which costs an average of $887 out-of-pocket in California. As a pregnancy advances, the cost goes up and fewer providers are willing to perform an abortion.
"The moment that a person finds out that they're pregnant, the clock is ticking, as well as the meter," said Fabiola Carrión, a senior attorney with the National Health Law Program.
Several other states expanded abortion access this year. New Mexico repealed its pre-Roe law that banned abortion in case Roe is overturned, and Virginia repealed a ban on abortion coverage in plans sold through the state's marketplace. Hawaii expanded the category of medical professionals who can provide abortions, and Washington now requires student health plans that cover maternity care to cover abortions as well.
New Jersey lawmakers are considering a comprehensive abortion-rights bill that would eliminate cost sharing for abortions, but advocates aren't optimistic about its chances.
Meanwhile, total abortion bans have been passed in Oklahoma and Arkansas this year, as have bans on abortion after six weeks in Texas, Idaho, South Carolina and Oklahoma (Oklahoma has passed three different bans on abortion this year). None have gone into effect, leaving time for court challenges, said Nash, from the Guttmacher Institute.
Eliminating abortion costs for patients has been tried in other states, including Oregon, which adopted a comprehensive abortion rights law in 2017 that included language similar to California's. A handful of other states have provisions to reduce out-of-pocket costs.
States have learned — from contraception coverage and from California's experience requiring health plans to cover abortions — that simply requiring something doesn't ensure patients can get it, Nash said. "Cost sharing is a huge barrier to accessing services that you need to remove so people can actually get the care they need," she said.
Most essential healthcare, like routine immunizations, preventive services and contraception, is already covered at no cost to the patient. Advocates of SB 245 say abortion is just as essential and should be treated the same way.
The California Association of Health Plans disagrees. This measure is one of several this year that would eliminate out-of-pocket costs for treatments or medicines, including insulin and other drugs for chronic diseases, said Mary Ellen Grant, a spokesperson for the association.
"We find this concerning as these bills would cumulatively increase premiums for all health plan enrollees," Grant wrote in an email.
Questions arise about how doctors will be trained, how that training will be paid for and whether a rural, sparsely populated state can sustain either a nonprofit or for-profit medical school, let alone both.
This article was published on Monday, June 7, 2021 in Kaiser Health News.
Two universities are eyeing the chance to be the first to build a medical school in one of the few states without one. The jockeying of the two schools — one a nonprofit, the other for-profit — to open campuses in Montana highlights the rapid spread of for-profit medical learning centers despite their once-blemished reputation.
Montana is one of only four states without a medical school, making it fertile ground for one.
What's happening in this Western state triggers questions about how future doctors will be trained, how that training will be paid for and whether a rural, sparsely populated state can sustain either a nonprofit or for-profit medical school, let alone both.
For more than 100 years, for-profit medical schools were banned in the U.S. because of the early 20th-century schools' low educational standards and a reputation of accepting anyone who could pay tuition.
Then, a 1996 court ruling forced accrediting agencies to take another look at for-profit medical schools, prompting a resurgence over the past dozen years. Their advocates argue that these institutions meet the same standards and requirements as every other medical school and often are established in communities that otherwise couldn't fund such institutions.
But those assurances don't quiet the concerns of skeptics, who warn that the problems of the past will inevitably return.
For years "there has been a sense that we should not risk going back to where the supply of doctors and the quality of doctors is in the hand of for-profit providers," said Robert Shireman, director of higher education excellence and a senior fellow at the Century Foundation, a progressive think tank that released a report in 2020 critical of for-profit medical schools. "But now essentially we have investment vehicles that are owning for-profit medical schools. That is a recipe for predatory behavior."
The debate landed on Dr. Paul Dolan's turf when he read in the Billings Gazette on Feb. 23 that a for-profit institution, Rocky Vista University College of Osteopathic Medicine, planned to open a satellite campus in Billings. Dolan, the chief medical information officer at Benefis Health System in Great Falls, had been working for at least a year to bring a nonprofit medical school to Montana and its population of just over 1 million people.
"There was some irritation locally here because it felt like this was our opportunity and these guys were trying to edge us out," he said.
Dolan responded quickly, and that same day, the Billings Gazette posted news about another possible med school moving to the state. This time the story featured Dolan's health system and its efforts to bring a satellite nonprofit medical school to Great Falls, 220 miles from Billings. It would be anchored by the Touro College and University System, a not-for-profit private institution with campuses across the U.S. and abroad, including multiple medical schools.
Rocky Vista University declined an interview request for this story. But Dr. Alan Kadish, president of the Touro College and University System, said the question of whether Montana can handle multiple medical schools isn't the issue. "The real thing is that the area needs more physicians and there is an opportunity to train them."
A Long History
Over a century ago, the U.S. banned for-profit medical schools over criticism that large numbers of commercial medical schools were proliferating and overproducing "under-educated and ill-trained medical practitioners," according to a Carnegie Foundation report first published in 1910.
In the 1970s, though, for-profit medical schools started to pop up in the Caribbean and were often attended by U.S. students who were rejected for admission by traditional, domestic schools. Then, that 1996 lawsuit regarding accreditation of a for-profit law school opened the door for other for-profit, postsecondary training institutions like Rocky Vista to reenter the U.S. market.
Yife Tien, son of a Caribbean for-profit medical school founder, used this model to establish Rocky Vista and accepted the school's first class in 2008 in Parker, Colorado. The school gained full accreditation in 2012 from the Commission on Osteopathic College Accreditation. In 2013, the Liaison Committee on Medical Education, which accredits allopathic medical schools, eliminated the accreditation standard that schools be not-for-profit.
Osteopathic and allopathic medical students study the same curriculum and participate in the same clinical training but take different licensing exams.
Rocky Vista remained the only for-profit school in the U.S. for seven years until another opened in California in 2015. Since 2015, five more for-profit medical schools have opened, and a sixth is scheduled to open in Utah later this year. All but one are osteopathic.
For-profit medical schools have also been proposed in Missouri and Maryland.
The Pros and Cons of a For-Profit Model
Even as for-profit schools become more common, critics predict problems. They warn that the private investors who fund the medical schools are not being transparent about where tuition funds go. They also argue that ownership can be unstable and that students may be taking out enormous loans for a lower-quality education.
The Century Foundation's 2020 report detailed Shireman's efforts to identify the investors, board of directors and owners of several of the for-profit medical schools. His findings were murky.
"It's a web of interconnected [limited liability corporations] where it is difficult to figure out who at the end of the day are the real decision-makers," he said.
Rocky Vista, for instance, initially owned by Yife Tien, was sold in 2018 to Medforth Global Healthcare Education, a private equity firm that also owns a Caribbean medical school. Most of the other for-profit schools appear to be funded by various individual investors or private equity groups involved in multiple other ventures, such as real estate and mining.
While nonprofit schools reinvest excess funds into their institutions, it's unclear where for-profits put their excess funds and how much investors may be profiting. Unlike other schools, even private ones such as Harvard Medical School, which post annual revenue and expenses reports, these for-profit schools do not share financial reports publicly on their websites.
KHN asked the existing U.S. for-profit medical schools to share their investors and financial reports. Only two responded, but both declined to comment.
When schools don't exhibit financial transparency, it can lead to problems, said Shireman; it makes institutions less accountable to their students and can result in lower-quality education.
"That can create a situation where you invest less in excellence and you spend less on actually educating students," Shireman said. "You charge more to the students themselves and you end up focusing almost exclusively on the easily measurable outcomes — like training people to pass the medical exams, rather than training people to be excellent doctors."
But Dr. George Mychaskiw, one of the founding deans of Burrell College of Osteopathic Medicine, a for-profit osteopathic medical school that opened in New Mexico in 2016, dismissed these concerns, saying that if a school meets the necessary standards then its business model should be irrelevant.
"It's easy to paint all for-profit institutions with the same paintbrush, and look at them as an ITT Tech, but it just doesn't really apply," said Mychaskiw. "The accreditation standards are so rigorous." ITT Technical Institute was a for-profit institution with 130 campuses that shut down in 2016 after federal sanctions.
That is also the view of Dr. Kevin Klauer, CEO of the American Osteopathic Association, which oversees the accreditation council.
"If the standards are met, and fairness is provided to the students through those standards, we're not questioning their structure and how they're financed if they meet all of the guidelines," said Klauer.
Another issue for for-profit medical schools, though, is that most are awaiting full accreditation, which is not conferred until the first class graduates. That means students are not eligible for federal assistance and instead must take out private loans that usually have high interest rates.
For the most part, tuition costs for for-profit medical schools are in the range of what nonprofit private medical schools charge. Non-profit medical school tuition and fees for the 2020-2021 school year ranged from a low of $19,425 at Baylor to $67,532 at Dartmouth, according to an Association of American Medical Colleges survey. Rocky Vista's tuition and fees for first-year students, by comparison, was $58,530, which is roughly $3,000 more than the average cost of an osteopathic medical school for an out-of-state student, according to the American Association of Colleges of Osteopathic Medicine.
According to 2019 statistics provided by the Century Foundation, the average median amount of program debt for Rocky Vista is $294,780 compared with either the average median program debt for private nonprofit med schools, $201,164, and public medical schools, $177,324. (Rocky Vista is the only for-profit medical school with average median debt listed in the federal government's college comparison tool, College Scorecard, since the other schools are so new.)
The American Medical Association published a report in 2019 that analyzed attrition rates and financial burden of for-profit and nonprofit medical schools. Although the attrition rates were higher at several of the for-profit schools, other statistics were comparable. And since most of these for-profit medical schools are relatively new, data is limited, and it remains to be seen how well their students will perform.
Dr. Nicholaus Mize, a 2015 alumnus of Rocky Vista University and an internal medicine physician at Estes Park Health in Estes Park, Colorado, said he didn't perceive any difference in his medical education because of his school's for-profit model.
"I think it was quite equal," Mize, who is also an adjunct professor at Rocky Vista, wrote us in a LinkedIn message. "I can say that I feel that I received a good medical education. I have stayed friends with many of my classmates and all are doing well in their careers."
However, Mize did take issue with the size of the student loans he had to take out to get that medical education and the loans' high interest rates. One year's charge was especially difficult, he notes — he could only get high-interest private loans because his Rocky Vista campus was not fully accredited at the time.
Meanwhile, the Montana drama continues. Rocky Vista's request to come to Billings isn't the first time a for-profit school eyed Montana. In fact, the Benefis Health System had courted a different for-profit medical school in 2015.
Dolan said that effort fell through when leaders in the state voiced concerns about the school having a for-profit model. That's why his organization shifted its interest to nonprofit institutions.
Still, Rocky Vista announced May 17 that its application for the satellite school in Billings had been given a green light by the Commission on Osteopathic College Accreditation, meaning it can begin building the new campus.
As for Touro, the school's application was submitted in April and a decision on whether to accredit the school will be determined at the commission's August meeting.