The absence of reliable federal data exacerbated critical problems such as shortages of personal protective equipment that left many workers exposed, with fatal results.
This article was published on Thursday, April 8, 2021 in Kaiser Health News.
Calls are mounting for the Biden administration to set up a national tracking system of COVID-19 deaths among front-line healthcare workers to honor the thousands of nurses, doctors and support staffers who have died and ensure that future generations are not forced to make the same ultimate — and, in many cases, needless — sacrifice.
KHN and The Guardian are tracking healthcare workers who died from COVID-19 and writing about their lives and what happened in their final days.
Health policy experts and union leaders are pressing the White House to move quickly to fill the gaping hole left by the Trump administration through its failure to create an accurate count of COVID deaths among front-line workers. The absence of reliable federal data exacerbated critical problems such as shortages of personal protective equipment that left many workers exposed, with fatal results.
In the absence of federal action, "Lost on the Frontline," a joint project between The Guardian and KHN, has compiled the most comprehensive account of healthcare worker deaths in the nation. It has recorded 3,607 lost lives in the first year of the pandemic, with nurses, healthcare support staffers and doctors, as well as workers under 60 and people of color, affected in tragically high numbers.
The Guardian/KHN investigation, which involved more than 100 reporters, is drawing to a close this week. Pressure is now growing for the federal government to step into the breach.
Harvey Fineberg, a leading health policy expert who approved a recent National Academy of Sciences report that cited the "Frontline" project and recommended the formation of a national tracking system run by the federal government, backed the calls for change. He said his ideal solution would be a nationwide record.
"There would be a combination of a selective look backward to gain more accurate tabulations of the past burden, and a system of data-gathering looking forward to ensure more complete counts in [the] future," he said.
Zenei Triunfo-Cortez, a president of National Nurses United, the largest body of registered nurses in the U.S., said it was unconscionable how many healthcare workers have died of COVID-19. The KHN/Guardian interactive found that almost a third of those who died were nurses — the largest single occupation — followed by support staff members (20%) and physicians (17%).
Triunfo-Cortez said the death toll was an unacceptable tragedy aggravated by the lack of federal data, which made identifying problem areas more difficult. "We as nurses do not deserve this — we signed up to take care of patients, we did not sign up to die," she said.
Dr. Anthony Fauci, the nation's top expert on infectious diseases, also sees a role for federal agencies in tracking mortality among front-line healthcare workers. In an interview with The Guardian, he expressed a desire for a definitive picture of the human toll.
"We certainly want to find an accurate count of the people who died," he said. "That's something that I think would fall under the auspices of the federal government, likely Health and Human Services."
The lack of federal intelligence on deaths among front-line healthcare workers was one of the running failures of the Trump administration's botched response to the crisis. The main health protection agency, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, does curate some information but has itself acknowledged that its own record of 1,527 health worker fatalities — more than 2,000 fewer than the joint Guardian/KHN tally — is an undercount based on limitations in its data collection.
Overall, healthcare workers were revealed to be singularly at risk from the pandemic. Some studies have shown they were more than three times as likely to contract COVID as was the general population.
To date, there is no sign of the Biden administration taking active steps to set up a comprehensive data system. An HHS spokesperson said the department has no plans to launch a comprehensive count. However, Triunfo-Cortez said there is a new willingness on the part of the White House and key federal agencies to listen and engage.
"We have been working with the Biden administration and they have been receptive to the changes we are proposing," Triunfo-Cortez said. "We are hopeful that they will start to mandate the reporting of deaths, because if we don't have that data how can we know how effective we are being in stopping the pandemic?"
The responsiveness of the new administration is likely to be heightened by the fact that Biden's chief of staff, Ron Klain, has a track record in fighting infectious disease outbreaks. In 2014, President Barack Obama appointed him "Ebola tsar."
In an article in The Guardian last August, Klain drew on the findings of "Lost on the Frontline" to decry the ultimate price paid by healthcare workers: "Although America has applauded health workers, banged pots in their honor and offered grateful video tributes, we have consistently failed them where it mattered most."
David Blumenthal, the national coordinator for health information technology under Obama, said a national tracking system is an important step in healing the wounds of the pandemic. "So many healthcare workers feel as though their devotion and sacrifice weren't valued," he said. "We must combat the widespread fatigue and disappointment."
KHN senior correspondent Christina Jewett contributed to this report.
More than 3,600 U.S. healthcare workers perished in the first year of the pandemic, according to "Lost on the Frontline," a 12-month investigation by The Guardian and KHN to track such deaths.
Lost on the Frontline is the most complete accounting of U.S. healthcare worker deaths. The federal government has not comprehensively tracked this data. But calls are mounting for the Biden administration to undertake a count as the KHN/Guardian project comes to a close today.
The project, which tracked who died and why, provides a window into the workings — and failings — of the U.S. health system during the COVID-19 pandemic. One key finding: Two-thirds of deceased healthcare workers for whom the project has data identified as people of color, revealing the deep inequities tied to race, ethnicity and economic status in America's healthcare workforce. Lower-paid workers who handled everyday patient care, including nurses, support staff and nursing home employees, were far more likely to die in the pandemic than physicians were.
The yearlong series of investigative reports found that many of these deaths could have been prevented. Widespread shortages of masks and other personal protective gear, a lack of COVID testing, weak contact tracing, inconsistent mask guidance by politicians, missteps by employers and lax enforcement of workplace safety rules by government regulators all contributed to the increased risk faced by healthcare workers. Studies show that healthcare workers were more than three times as likely to contract COVID as the general public.
"We rightfully refer to these people without hyperbole — that they are true heroes and heroines," said Dr. Anthony Fauci in an exclusive interview with The Guardian and KHN. The COVID deaths of so many are "a reflection of what healthcare workers have done historically, by putting themselves in harm's way, by living up to the oath they take when they become physicians and nurses," he said.
Lost on the Frontline launched last April with the story of Frank Gabrin, the first known American emergency room doctor to die of COVID-19. In the early days of the pandemic, Gabrin, 60, was on the front lines of the surge, treating COVID patients in New York and New Jersey. Yet, like so many others, he was working without proper personal protective equipment, known as PPE. "Don't have any PPE that has not been used," he texted a friend. "No N95 masks — my own goggles — my own face shield."
Gabrin's untimely death was the first fatality entered into the Lost on the Frontline database. His story of working through a crisis to save lives shared similarities with the thousands that followed.
Maritza Beniquez, an emergency room nurse at Newark's University Hospital in New Jersey, watched 11 colleagues die in the early months of the pandemic. Like the patients they had been treating, most were Black and Latino. "It literally decimated our staff," she said.
Her hospital has placed 11 trees in the lobby, one for each employee who has died of COVID; they have been adorned with remembrances and gifts from their colleagues.
More than 100 journalists contributed to the project in an effort to record every death and memorialize those who died. The project's journalists filed public records requests, cross-connected governmental and private data sources, scoured obituaries and social media posts, and confirmed deaths through family members, workplaces and colleagues.
Among its key findings:
More than half of those who died were younger than 60. In the general population, the median age of death from COVID is 78. Yet among healthcare workers in the database, it is only 59.
More than a third of the healthcare workers who died were born outside the United States. Those from the Philippines accounted for a disproportionate number of deaths.
Nurses and support staff members died in far higher numbers than physicians.
Twice as many workers died in nursing homes as in hospitals. Only 30% of deaths were among hospital workers, and relatively few were employed by well-funded academic medical centers. The rest worked in less prestigious residential facilities, outpatient clinics, hospices and prisons, among other places.
The death rate among healthcare workers has slowed dramatically since COVID vaccines were made available to them in December. A study published in late March found that only four of 8,121 fully vaccinated employees at the University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center in Dallas became infected. But deaths lag behind infections, and KHN and The Guardian have tracked more than 400 healthcare worker deaths since the vaccine rollout began.
Many factors contributed to the high toll — but investigative reporting uncovered some consistent problems that heightened the risks faced by health workers.
The project found that Centers for Disease Control and Prevention guidance on masks — which encouraged hospitals to reserve high-performance N95 masks for intubation procedures and initially suggested surgical masks were adequate for everyday patient care — may have put thousands of health workers at risk.
The investigation exposed how the Labor Department, run by Donald Trump appointee Eugene Scalia in the early part of the pandemic, took a hands-off approach to workplace safety. It identified 4,100 safety complaints filed by healthcare workers to the Occupational Safety and Health Administration, the Labor Department's workplace safety agency. Most were about PPE shortages, yet even after some complaints were investigated and closed by regulators, workers continued to die at the facilities in question.
The reporting also found that healthcare employers were failing to report worker deaths to OSHA. The data analysis found that more than a third of workplace COVID deaths were not reported to regulators.
Among the most visceral findings of Lost on the Frontline was the devastating impact of PPE shortages.
Adeline Fagan, a 28-year-old OB-GYN resident in Texas, suffered from asthma and had a long history of respiratory ailments. Months into the pandemic, her family said, she was using the same N95 mask over and over, even during a high-risk rotation in the emergency room.
Her parents blame both the hospital administration and government missteps for the PPE shortages that may have contributed to Adeline's death in September. Her mother, Mary Jane Abt-Fagan, said Adeline's N95 had been reused so many times the fibers were beginning to disintegrate.
Not long before she fell ill — and after she'd been assigned to a high-risk ER rotation — Adeline talked to her parents about whether she should spend her own money on an expensive N95 with a filter that could be changed daily. The $79 mask was a significant expense on her $52,000 resident's salary.
"We said, you buy this mask, you buy the filters, your father and I will pay for it. We didn't care what it cost," said Abt-Fagan.
She never had the opportunity to use it. By the time the mask arrived, Adeline was already on a ventilator in the hospital.
Adeline's family feels let down by the U.S. government's response to the pandemic.
"Nobody chooses to go to work and die," said Abt-Fagan. "We need to be more prepared, and the government needs to be more responsible in terms of keeping healthcare workers safe."
Adeline's father, Brant Fagan, wants the government to begin tracking healthcare worker deaths and examining the data to understand what went wrong. "That's how we're going to prevent this in the future," he said. "Know the data, follow where the science leads."
Adeline's parents said her death has been particularly painful because of her youth — and all the life milestones she never had the chance to experience. "Falling in love, buying a home, sharing your family and your life with your siblings," said Mary Jane Abt-Fagan. "It's all those things she missed that break a parent's heart."
For Lim, the indelible stamp of childhood anguish drove two of her life's passions: serving people as a physician and cooking lavish feasts for friends and family — both of which she did until she died of covid-19 in January.
This article was published on Wednesday, April 7, 2021 in Kaiser Health News.
She was not yet 13 when the Khmer Rouge seized power in Cambodia and ripped her family apart. The totalitarian regime sent her and four siblings to work camps, where they planted rice and dug irrigation canals from sunrise to sunset — each surviving on two ladles of rice gruel a day. One disappeared, never to be found.
Just a few months before the Khmer Rouge fell in January 1979, Lim’s father starved to death, among the nearly one-quarter of Cambodians who perished from execution, forced labor, starvation or disease in less than four years.
For Lim, the indelible stamp of childhood anguish drove two of her life’s passions: serving people as a physician and cooking lavish feasts for friends and family — both of which she did until she died of covid-19 in January.
Within the week before her death at age 58, she treated dozens of patients who flooded the hospital during the deadly winter covid surge, while bringing home-cooked meals to the hospital for her fellow health care workers to enjoy during breaks.
“These experiences during the war made her humble and empathetic toward the people around her,” said Dr. Vidushi Sharma, who worked with Lim at Community Regional Medical Center in Fresno, California. “She always wanted to help them.”
Lim’s story is one of suffering and triumph.
During the Khmer Rouge’s brutal reign and the Cambodian civil war before it, Lim and her nine siblings attended school sporadically. The ravages of war forced the family first from its small town to the capital, Phnom Penh, and then into the countryside when the Khmer Rouge took power in 1975. As part of its vision to create a classless agrarian society, the communist group split families and relocated residents to rural labor camps.
Lim survived the work camps because she was smart and resourceful, said her youngest brother, Rithy Lim, who also lives in Fresno. She dug ditches, hauled clay-like dirt on her back, built earthen dams in the middle of a river during monsoons — all with little food or rest, he said.
She also became a skillful hunter and fisher, and learned to identify plants that were safe to eat.
“You cannot imagine the horrible conditions,” he said. “Think of it as a place that you live like wild animals, and people tell you to work. There’s no paper, no pens. You sleep on the ground. We witnessed death of all sorts.”
Vietnamese troops liberated Cambodia from the Khmer Rouge in 1979. Later that year, Lim, her mother and siblings sneaked into Thailand. “The whole family walked through minefields,” Rithy Lim recalled. There, they waited and worked in refugee camps. At one camp, they met a dentist from California’s Central Valley who was on a medical mission.
When Lim and her family arrived in the U.S. in 1982, they landed in Georgia. But she and an older brother soon moved to the small town of Taft, California, about 45 minutes west of Bakersfield, at the invitation of the dentist they’d befriended at the Thai refugee camp.
When she hit the ground, the 4-foot-11 dynamo, then 19, was driven by “pure determination,” Rithy Lim said.
Within two years, Linath Lim learned English, earned her GED and graduated from Taft College — “boom, boom, boom,” her brother recalled. (She learned to make traditional, middle-America Thanksgiving dinners when she worked at the community college’s cafeteria, which she would later cook for scores of friends and family.)
She went on to attend Fresno State and then the Medical College of Pennsylvania, sleeping on friends’ couches, borrowing money from other Cambodian refugees and scraping by.
“Imagine not having any money, studying alone, sleeping in someone else’s living room,” Rithy Lim said.
Lim became an internal medicine doctor “because she always wanted to be really involved with a lot of patients,” Rithy Lim said. After her residency, she returned to the Central Valley to practice in hospitals and clinics in underserved communities, including Porterville and Stockton, where some of her patients were farmworkers and Cambodian refugees.
California has the largest Cambodian population in the country, with roughly 89,000 people of Cambodian descent in 2019, according to a Public Policy Institute of California analysis of American Community Survey data.
Twice, Lim joined the Cambodian Health Professionals Association of America on weeklong volunteer trips to Cambodia, where she and other doctors treated hundreds of patients a day, said Dr. Song Tan, a Long Beach, California, pediatrician and founder of CHPAA.
“She was a kindhearted, very gentle person,” recalled Tan, who said he was the only member of his family to survive the Khmer Rouge. “She went beyond the call of duty to do special things for patients.”
Most recently, Lim worked the swing shift, 1 p.m. to 1 a.m., at Community Regional Medical Center. She admitted patients through the emergency room, where she was exposed to countless people with covid. She worked extra shifts during the pandemic, volunteering when the hospital was short-staffed, said Dr. Nahlla Dolle, an internist who also worked with Lim.
“She told me there were so many patients every day, and that they didn’t have enough beds and the patients had to wait in the hallway,” Tan said.
Colleagues said she was aware of the risks but loved her job. Lim, who was single and didn’t have kids, drew happiness from celebrating others’ joys. After getting home from work in the small hours, she slept for a bit, then got up to cook. Her specialties were Cambodian, Thai, Vietnamese and Italian food. She sometimes ordered a whole roasted pig that she transported to the hospital. Her memorable Thanksgiving dinners served 70 or more people.
“For any occasion that comes up — if it’s a birthday, if it’s a baby shower, if it’s Thanksgiving — she would cook, she would order food and bring everybody together,” Dolle said. “She loved to feed people because she experienced famine and lack of food.”
The week before she died, Lim cooked for her colleagues almost every day, and threw a baby shower for Sharma, complete with chicken calzones and blueberry cake.
“Every day, we were having lunch together,” Sharma said. “She did the shower, and then she’s gone.”
Lim, who had health problems including diabetes, had not been vaccinated. Family and friends had urged her to take care of herself, and to check her blood sugar and take her medications. “She would care about everyone but herself,” Sharma said.
On Jan. 15, Lim told friends by phone that she was exhausted, achy and having trouble breathing. But she said that she would be fine, that she just needed to rest. Then she stopped responding to calls and texts.
When she didn’t show up for work a few days later, her brother went to check on her at home and found her on the couch, where she had died.
Now her brother and colleagues are haunted by what-ifs over the loss of a remarkable woman and doctor: What if I had checked on her sooner? What if she had been vaccinated? What if she had gotten care when she started feeling ill?
“To have someone who has been through all that in her childhood and then flourish as a physician, a human being, coming to a new country, learning English, going to school and college without having much financial support, it’s phenomenal,” Sharma said. “It’s unbelievable.”
This story is part of “Lost on the Frontline,” a project from The Guardian and Kaiser Health News that aims to document the lives of health care workers in the U.S. who die from COVID-19, and to investigate why so many are victims of the disease.
California's overall progress masks huge variations in senior vaccination rates among the state's 58 counties, which largely are running their own vaccine rollouts with different eligibility rules and outreach protocols.
This article was published on Wednesday, April 7, 2021 in Kaiser Health News.
Even as California prepares to expand vaccine eligibility on April 15 to all residents age 16 and up, the state has managed to inoculate only about half its senior population — the 65-and-older target group deemed most vulnerable to death and serious illness in the pandemic.
Overall, nearly 56% of California seniors have received the full course of a COVID vaccine, according to the latest data from the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. That's about average compared with other states — not nearly as high as places like South Dakota, where almost 74% of seniors are fully vaccinated, but also not as far behind as Hawaii, which has reached 44%. The data, current as of Tuesday, does not include seniors who have received only the first dose of the Pfizer-BioNTech or Moderna vaccine.
But California's overall progress masks huge variations in senior vaccination rates among the state's 58 counties, which largely are running their own vaccine rollouts with different eligibility rules and outreach protocols. The discrepancies notably break down by geographic region, with the state's remote rural counties — generally conservative strongholds — in some cases struggling to give away available doses, while the more populous — and generally left-leaning — metropolitan areas often have far more demand than supply.
In San Francisco Bay Area counties like Marin and Contra Costa, for example, more than two-thirds of seniors are fully vaccinated. Meanwhile, in the far northern reaches of the state, encompassing some of California's most dramatic and rugged terrain, rural counties like Tehama, Shasta and Del Norte have fully vaccinated only about a third of senior residents, according to the CDC data.
"We definitely share one thing in common and that is that we have a fairly high percentage of people who are vaccine hesitant. And that even spreads into the seniors," Dr. Warren Rehwaldt, health officer for Del Norte County, said of the Northern California counties with relatively low vaccination rates. Del Norte, which is 62% white and voted solidly for Donald Trump in the 2020 election, has vaccinated 36.6% of residents age 65 and older.
The county, population 28,000, has spotty internet service, leaving the health department reliant on phone appointments for its twice-weekly clinics, which have the capacity to give out 300 doses in a day.Bottom of Form
"I don't think we have filled any of them completely, and they are tapering off," Rehwaldt said. Often, 100 or more appointment slots go unused, even after the county expanded eligibility to age 50 and up. "We expected that, but we didn't expect it this fast," he said.
Every Thursday morning, Rehwaldt joins a local public radio broadcast to encourage people to get their shots, and the department regularly airs public service announcements. "But it's a really high hurdle to overcome serious misgivings about the vaccine itself," Rehwaldt said.
Asked what resources might help bolster vaccination rates, Rehwaldt said he'd opt for a mobile van to travel to remote areas of his county. But moments later, he sighed and said he wasn't sure a van would help much after all. "What kind of resources are going to overcome hesitancy? It's not a resource problem," he said.
Shasta County, whose population is about 80% white and voted in even stronger numbers for Trump, is also struggling to reach the 65-plus group, with just 36.6% of seniors fully vaccinated. Public information officer Kerri Schuette acknowledged health workers were encountering some hesitancy among residents but said their efforts also were hampered by early supply issues.
On the other end of the spectrum are counties like Marin, a largely suburban and affluent stretch of communities just north of San Francisco where 71.4% of seniors are fully vaccinated.
"There's a thread of privilege that does lead to ease of access to vaccines that needs to be acknowledged," said county public health officer Dr. Matt Willis. Many seniors in the county have access to computers and cars, he said, and have been able to access vaccine appointments with relative ease.
Still, the county made an aggressive plan to vaccinate seniors even before the first doses arrived, he said. Rather than waiting for the federal government's program that relied on pharmacies to vaccinate residents in long-term care facilities, for example, the health department sent in workers as soon as it had vaccines.
The county also kept its eligibility rules tightly focused on seniors age 75 and older through the middle of February, while other counties were expanding to younger age groups and a broad array of occupations. At one point, the county briefly expanded eligibility to teachers, but pulled back just one week later when doses grew scarce.
"We showed that a dose offered to someone 75 and older in Marin was 320 times more likely to save a life than a dose offered to someone younger than 50," Willis said.
Contra Costa County, a more diverse area on the other side of San Francisco Bay, has done nearly as well: 70.9% of seniors are fully vaccinated. Add in those who have received at least one dose, and the numbers are far higher: 90% of people ages 65-74 and 97% of those 75 and older, according to the county's vaccine tracker.
To reach vulnerable seniors, Dr. Ori Tzvieli, Contra Costa's deputy health officer, said the county worked with nonprofit groups to make lists of residential care facilities and low-income senior housing, then sent mobile clinics to each one. "For people who were literally homebound, we send someone inside. Otherwise, we set up a station in the lobby or right outside," he said.
The county also set up mobile clinics at farms and places of worship. It gave community health workers dedicated appointments to sign up older residents directly. And rather than have residents track down their own appointment slots online, the department had people fill out forms and then scheduled appointments for them, prioritizing those who lived in low-income ZIP codes with high rates of disease.
With a population of just over 1 million, Contra Costa now is able to vaccinate 100,000 people a week, Tzvieli said, and has recently opened eligibility to everyone over 16. But even within the county, inequalities remain. In Bay Point, for example, a largely working-class Latino community, vaccination rates are still just half of those of some wealthier communities, Tzvieli said.
Farther south, in California's agricultural Central Valley, Fresno County falls somewhere in the middle on vaccination rates. About 54% of seniors 65-plus are fully vaccinated, just under the state average. Just more than half the county's residents are Latino, many of them farmworkers. And about a fifth of the population lives in poverty, which presents its own hurdles to a vaccination campaign.
"Poverty immobilizes, physically and mentally," said Joe Prado, community health division manager in Fresno County. "For a wealthier population, going 3 to 5 miles away [to a vaccine clinic] is simple; you hop in the car and go. But if you're living in poverty, that's a big barrier."
There are community pockets that have not engaged with the county health system, meaning health officials are coming up against vaccine hesitancy and distrust, Prado added. "Our health literacy is nowhere near where it should be, and now there's a digital literacy problem, too," he said. "We're trying to deal with all this in the middle of a pandemic."
At this point in the campaign, Prado said, most seniors eager for the vaccine have received at least an initial dose: "The final 25% is going to be the most resource-intensive, the most difficult to reach."
Dr. William Schaffner, an infectious-disease specialist at Vanderbilt University, calls this public health's "low-hanging fruit phenomenon." As the proportion of people who are vaccinated grows, he said, "we'll have to work proportionally harder to keep advancing these numbers, because the eager beavers go first." In rural counties from California to Tennessee, he added, supply is already outpacing demand.
So far, just more than 75% of seniors in the U.S. have received at least one dose of vaccine, according to the CDC.
"You can look at that as the glass is half-empty or half-full," said Michael Osterholm, director of the Center for Infectious Disease Research and Policy at the University of Minnesota, during a recent episode of his weekly podcast. That still leaves more than 13 million seniors unprotected despite facing the highest risk of death; 8 in 10 deaths from COVID reported in the U.S. have been among adults 65 and older.
It is crucial, Osterholm said, that states continue to direct efforts toward reaching and vaccinating vulnerable seniors who are homebound or hesitant.
"When we say we're going to open up eligibility to everybody 16 or 18 years and older, that seems like a victory," he said. "In many states, that is an admission of defeat."
To many, getting involved in politics quickly became as much a professional responsibility as studying human anatomy or shadowing residents on clinical rounds.
This article was published on Wednesday, April 7, 2021 in Kaiser Health News.
Inam Sakinah and her classmates will forever be known as the students who started medical school during the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic.
All of them had prepared for this step for years, taking hours of hard science classes in college, studying for the medical school admissions test and often volunteering, working or even getting master's or other advanced degrees before starting on the long path to earning a medical degree.
But their decisions to become doctors seemed to carry even more weight when set against the backdrop of the events of 2020.
"People were needlessly dying while our leaders were failing," said Sakinah, a first-year student at Harvard Medical School. "We also saw the crushing inequities the virus laid bare. That was the context in which we were beginning our journey into medicine." COVID has killed more than 550,000 Americans and disproportionately affected people of color.
And there were other concerns, too. Issues of racial justice came to a head in the wake of George Floyd's death in May in Minneapolis, while matters of science and public health were subject to debate on the presidential campaign trail.
To many, getting involved in politics quickly became as much a professional responsibility as studying human anatomy or shadowing residents on clinical rounds. Sakinah, for instance, is part of a group of medical students who channeled these concerns into forming a nonpartisan student organization, Future Doctors in Politics.
The organization, which launched in February, aims to educate medical students on the political process and show them how they can get involved in shaping policy, and perhaps even run for public office one day. At the core of these efforts is the idea that doctors will push for policies centered on patients, not insurers or hospitals. Bottom line: It's a way to voice their frustration with healthcare in America.
While there is currently only one chapter, at Harvard University, the group is working to establish chapters at schools such as the University of Michigan and the University of Hawaii.
The Changing Political Face of Medicine
Over the years, medical students have turned to a variety of organizations as an outlet for their political and professional concerns.
The American Medical Student Association has been politically active since it separated from the American Medical Association in 1967 and took on its current name a few years later. Since its early days, the organization has focused on health equity for people of color and, more recently, the LGBTQ community and for universal healthcare. Other student groups advocate for single issues, such as Students for a National Health Program, which lobbies for a government-run single-payer system, and Medical Students for Choice, which promotes reproductive rights.
Medical students also engage in nonpolitical work that can be seen as advocacy, such as volunteering at free clinics where patients might be uninsured or have substance use disorders, said Jonathan Kusner, a fifth-year medical student at Harvard.
Kusner helped lead a new nonpartisan AMSA effort in 2020, "MedOutTheVote," which asked medical students and providers to register to vote and then volunteer to assist others in registering. The initiative involved students at more than 80 medical schools and helped facilitate more than 13,000 registrations.
The MedOutTheVote initiative illustrates the change medical school professors and experts said they've noticed among students regarding their engagement with current events and awareness of how as doctors they might shape policy by wielding their medical expertise.
Dr. Neel Shah, an assistant professor of obstetrics, gynecology and reproductive biology at Harvard, said he thinks medical students have always been interested in politics. But today's pitched political environment makes them more inclined to speak out. "There is a greater degree of willingness to be critical of existing policies and norms, coming from students at a larger volume," said Shah.
Dr. Christopher Moriates, assistant dean for healthcare value at Dell Medical School of the University of Texas-Austin, said he's noticed a similar phenomenon.
"I really think that medical students have realized increasingly if they want to create healthier patients, their responsibility reaches beyond the patient in front of them," said Moriates. "As students are recognizing the systemic nature and the social determinants of health, they realize you have to treat the system around you as well and learn how to advocate for changes."
"I think it goes back before 2020, but 2020 put it in stark relief," he added.
While Future Doctors in Politics isn't officially aligned with a political party, it promotes values and a mission that are typically associated with Democrats or progressives, such as healthcare as a human right and racial inequity as a pressing health issue.
And it flows from the formation of the medical student organization White Coats for Black Lives, which took shape in 2015 after the deaths of Michael Brown and Eric Garner. The group's goal is to dismantle racism within the medical system and help students prepare to be racial justice advocates.
The growth of these organizations may also reflect medicine's increasing leftward tilt. Recent studies and surveys indicate more doctors identify as Democrats than Republicans, possibly in part because medical schools are admitting more women and people of color. In addition, fewer physicians now own their own practices. As small-business owners, they may have tended to lean Republican.
A widely cited 2014 study found that the percentage of doctors contributing to Republican political candidates decreased from 1991 to 2012, though certain higher-earning specialties were more likely to give to Republicans than to Democrats. A 2019 study focusing on ideology rather than party affiliation found that almost half of first-year medical students identified as liberal, while 33% identified as moderate and 19% as conservative.
Medicine Is Polarized, Too
As the rest of society deals with the growing divisions between those on the ideological left and right, so does medicine — just look at the difference in attitude about COVID vaccines between Democrats and Republicans. Medical students are not immune from these pressures. And some conservative students and professors said they often don't feel comfortable expressing their views.
"Students are afraid. Campuses are more liberal — meaning they don't necessarily believe in less government," said Rebecca Kiessling, director of programs and chapter development at the Benjamin Rush Institute, which teaches medical students about free-market healthcare options and opposes government regulation. The institute has chapters at 55 out of the 192 medical and osteopathic medical schools in the U.S.
"It is often difficult at certain schools to even get the student body or administration to agree to have a Benjamin Rush chapter, because they don't believe in what we do," said Kiessling.
Others whose politics differ from the current progressive tilt echoed this experience. Dr. Brian Miller, an assistant professor of medicine at Johns Hopkins University who is a conservative health policy expert, said the key is not losing perspective.
"Politics is increasingly polarized and medicine is no exception," Miller wrote in an email. "The challenge for us is to remain focused on our primary goal of growing future clinicians and treating patients while providing a supportive environment for people of all perspectives and walks of life."
To Dr. Lawrence Deyton, senior associate dean for clinical public health and professor of medicine at George Washington University, it's all part of the changing attitudes of what medical students feel their job responsibilities should encompass. He thinks the trend toward activism will continue.
"It's not enough to be great at the bedside or at the clinic," said Deyton. "When it comes to public health issues, the COVID crisis, racial issues, there is a role of the clinician to speak up. Our society wants to hear from us. Some people call this a political role."
Some music-streaming platforms like Apple Music don't allow third-party playlist curation. So, without a direct connection to their editorial team or partners, landing a spot on these lists isn't likely.
This article was published on Tuesday, April 6, 2021 in Kaiser Health News.
When the pandemic hit, Debórah Bond, like many artists, was caught off guard. “I thought I’d be juggling gigs and touring,” said the independent R&B/soul musician.
A full-time artist, Bond, 44, made a living through a patchwork of vocal gigs — performing live at weddings, bars and theaters, recording jingles, teaching vocal lessons and hosting events.
But the coronavirus pandemic found her burning through her savings and struggling to make ends meet in a tiny rental accessory dwelling unit above the tree-lined garage of a home in Hyattsville, Maryland. According to a 2020 report from the Rand Corp., artists were more likely than others to have lost their main source of income — music-related or not — due to the pandemic.
So with few other obvious options, and the world at a standstill for the foreseeable future, she set out to write her first solo album in the small rental she fondly referred to as her “treehouse.”
But cut off from family, friends and other nearby musicians, she devised a way to bring together out-of-work musicians from around the world, people who felt just as abandoned and stuck as she did. What resulted is an extraordinary transnational album — “compass: I,” released March 5 — that connected her with a far broader musical community and buoyed their collective spirits during a year of isolation.
The new album is a pandemic-fueled collaboration of musicians such as Chelsey Green, PhD. a violinist and acting chair of the strings department at Berklee College of Music in Boston; two-time Grammy-nominated drummer Nate Smith in Nashville; and a percussionist from the British acid jazz band Incognito, who sent in his recordings from London. “Everyone jumped on board from wherever they were,” Bond said. And most, she said, “didn’t even stress me for money. We all wanted to create.” She was even able to work with Gordon Chambers, a songwriter who has written for several artists from Beyoncé to Anita Baker and likely would not have been accessible to her or available pre-pandemic.
They were up against the challenges of not just a pandemic, but also a music industry that has come to rely heavily on curated playlists like Apple Music’s “New Music” or “From Our Editors” to promote new releases. Mainstream artists who have released music during the pandemic have teams of industry professionals ensuring their tunes end up on the most highly trafficked playlists.
Some music-streaming platforms like Apple Music don’t allow third-party playlist curation. So, without a direct connection to their editorial team or partners, landing a spot on these lists isn’t likely. Without being able to perform live at clubs and events this past year, Bond says, some independent artists may feel financial pressure to focus less on the quality of their music and more on finding ways to go viral on social media to tip the scales.
How does an independent artist find new listeners at a time when performing for a crowd isn’t allowed, and they’re battling against more than 50 million and 60 million songs already on Spotify and Apple Music, respectively?
Bond was not naïve about how the music world works, having been a performer for decades. She and her band, Third Logic, had been performing together since they were in their early 20s, but as time passed and adulthood — marriage, children, increased work responsibilities — set in, finding the time to write music together became nearly impossible. They hadn’t released a new album since “Madam Palindrome” in 2011. Time and distance from her bandmates meant that gigs were few. So, in 2019, she decided to embark on a solo career. Then covid hit.
At first, she despaired about how she would be able to pay for things like rent and food without the hope of recurring live gigs. “The pandemic relief money was really helpful,” she said, because independent artists can sometimes go weeks without making any money even without a global pandemic. Between her stimulus check and unemployment, Bond budgeted $600 a week to live on. She had affordable health insurance through Kaiser Permanente, “thanks to Obamacare,” she said. She cut expenses, stuck to her budget and received modest payments from booking a few covid-friendly, livestreamed events for Washington, D.C.’s Kennedy Center and the Music Center at Strathmore in North Bethesda, Maryland.
She was able to improvise a home-recording studio with mics, speakers, her MacBook and ProTools software and the help of music engineering friends over video conferences. Bond writes song lyrics and performs but doesn’t herself compose music. So, she put out a call to the musicians in her network and found many of them were also at home tinkering with new tunes and willing to share. Bond would “wait until late at night, turn on colored bulbs, blast things through my monitors and write,” she said.
After a rough draft of the album was completed in September, she and independent producer Brandon Lane put out a broader call for help for more live instrumentation. Their pleas circulated and produced a village of talent, as musicians from all over the world sent the singer their high-quality home recordings. “It showed me how many musicians were in the same boat,” Bond said.
Lane, who lived nearby and became part of Bond’s pandemic bubble, would come to her home studio — fully masked-up — as technical support and to co-produce the album. The title “compass: I” reflects an appreciation of the importance of trusting your own internal compass, she explained. The project showed Bond “who has my back,” she said, and that in a time of global crisis musicians — many of whom Bond considers friends — would come together to co-create with her.
Bond, who describes herself as having an eclectic Bohemian style and devil-may-care attitude, said she doesn’t want to change herself to jockey for a spot on the Billboard charts or playlists — even in the post-pandemic world.
The music industry is notoriously youth-obsessed and male-dominated, she said. The third annual report on the industry, “Inclusion in the Recording Studio?” from professor Stacy Smith and the USC Annenberg Inclusion Initiative found that in evaluating gender across eight years of Grammy nominations for Record of the Year, Album of the Year, Song of the Year, Producer of the Year and Best New Artist, 21.7% — or about 1 in 5 artists — were women.
“This is who the f*** I am,” she said. “I’m not 18, but I’m not ‘old’ either.” She wants listeners to have the chance to discover diverse musical options for female entertainers, at different ages, with different sounds and styles to match. By dint of necessity, the pandemic opened new types of doors for performers like her — through which she hopes new types of music will continue to be heard.
“You have to be smart,” she said. “It’s not hard to find new music.” Manually searching streaming apps like SoundCloud and Spotify take no more effort than scrolling through Instagram, she said. Bond hopes that listeners will take a break from the algorithms that sneakily sway our musical interests toward those artists pushed to the top of the charts and follow their own compass.
CORONA, Calif. — Antonio Espinoza loved the Los Angeles Dodgers. He loved them so much that he was laid to rest in his favorite Dodgers jersey. His family and friends, including his 3-year-old son, donned a sea of blue-and-white baseball shirts and caps in his honor.
Espinoza died at age 36 of covid-19, just days after he got his first dose of a covid vaccine. He was a hospice nurse who put his life in danger to help covid patients and others have a peaceful death.
When covid hit, it was no surprise to his family that this “gentle giant,” as friends and family called him, stepped up to the plate.
“His attitude was like, ‘No, I’m not going to be scared,’” said Nancy Espinoza, his wife of 10 years. “This is our time to shine,” he told her. “I became a nurse for a reason.”
As a hospice nurse and chief nursing officer for Calstro Hospice in Montclair, California, Espinoza routinely made house calls, visited assisted living facilities and performed death visits — during which hospice nurses pronounce patients dead.
Hospice workers aren’t just doctors and nurses, but also include home health aides, social workers, chaplains and counselors. In the past year, they have frequented some of the highest-risk environments, such as nursing homes, assisted living facilities and patients’ homes.
Hospice requires intimate patient care, and the additional safety requirements and need for personal protective equipment made it challenging, said Alicia Murray, board president of the Hospice and Palliative Nurses Association. But hospice workers adapted, she said, knowing they might be the only people who could comfort dying patients when family members were not allowed to visit medical and long-term care facilities.
“They’re taking care of dying people and, in particular, people dying of covid who may be spewing out the virus,” said Dr. Karl Steinberg, a geriatrician and palliative care specialist who is the medical director of Hospice by the Sea in Solana Beach, California, and several nursing homes.
A few months into the pandemic, when Calstro Hospice began caring for covid patients, Espinoza helped develop a covid unit. Part of his job was to make sure staff members had sufficient personal protective gear, including himself.
“Some people had a hard time getting a hold of all the PPE gear, but his office had adequate equipment,” his wife said. Right before he got sick, he was excited to receive a big shipment of gowns, N95 masks, booties and face shields from San Bernardino County, she said.
Espinoza fell ill a few days after his first dose of covid vaccine on Jan. 5, but went to work thinking it was vaccine-related. “He had kind of a sore throat and felt a little bit under the weather, but nothing major,” said Nancy Espinoza. His symptoms progressed to a fever and chills and he tested positive for covid on Jan. 10.
Seven other Calstro Hospice staff members also got covid during the pandemic, said Jennifer Arrington, Calstro Hospice’s director of patient care services.
Espinoza was a victim of bad timing, according to Dr. Lucy Horton, infectious disease specialist and associate professor at the University of California-San Diego School of Medicine.
The virus’s incubation period averages five to seven days, she explained. “If you test positive a few days after the vaccine, chances are you actually got exposed before you even got your first dose,” she said.
Horton said people aren’t fully vaccinated until at least 14 days after their second dose of a two-dose vaccine, or their first dose of a one-dose version. Early after the first dose, people don’t reap the benefit of the vaccine yet, she said.
“Even after you’re fully vaccinated, there still is a remaining risk,” said Horton, co-author of a letter to the New England Journal of Medicine about post-vaccination infection rates among health care workers in California. “Even if it’s so much lower, it’s still present.”
Espinoza knew he wanted to care for others and go into health care since he was in high school, and realized the Hispanic community needed Latino nurses in hospice care, his wife said. “He made it his purpose to help the Hispanic community understand hospice care and not be afraid of it,” she said.
On Jan. 15, Nancy Espinoza and the couple’s toddler, Ezekiel, spoke to Antonio over the phone for the last time. “I love you” were the last words she heard her husband say.
She was allowed to visit him right before he died on Jan. 25. He was intubated with an oxygen level of 25%.
Nancy Espinoza stood in the room alone with her husband for the last time. “I just wanted to be able to hold his hand and pray for him,” she said. “I wanted him to know that he wasn’t alone.”
For sports fans across the country, the resumption of the regular sports calendar has signaled another step toward post-pandemic normality. But for the athletes participating in professional, collegiate, high school or even recreational sports, significant unanswered questions remain about the aftereffects of a COVID infection.
Chief among those is whether the coronavirus can damage their hearts, putting them at risk for lifelong complications and death. Preliminary data from early in the pandemic suggested that as many as 1 in 5 people with COVID-19 could end up with heart inflammation, known as myocarditis, which has been linked to abnormal heart rhythms and sudden cardiac death.
Screening studies conducted by college athletic programs over the past year have generally found lower numbers. But these studies have been too small to provide an accurate measure of how likely athletes are to develop heart problems after COVID, and how serious those heart issues may be.
Without definitive data, concerns arose that returning to play too soon could expose thousands of athletes to serious cardiac complications. On the other hand, if concerns proved overblown, the testing protocols could unfairly keep athletes out of competition and subject them to needless testing and treatment.
"The last thing we want is to miss people that we potentially could have detected, and have that result in bad outcomes — in particular, the sudden death of a young athlete," said Dr. Matthew Martinez, director of sports cardiology at Atlantic Health's Morristown Medical Center in New Jersey and an adviser to several professional sports leagues. "But we also need to look at the flip side and the potential negatives of overtesting."
With millions of Americans playing high school, college, professional or master's level sports, even a low rate of complications could result in significant numbers of affected athletes. And that could prompt a thorny discussion of how to balance the risk of a small percentage of players who could be in danger against the continuation of sports competition as we know it.
Limited Impact on Pro Sports
Data released from professional sports leagues in early March provided at least some reassurance that the problem may not be as great as initially feared. Pro athletes playing football, men's and women's basketball, baseball, soccer and hockey were screened for heart problems before returning from COVID infections. The players underwent an electrical test of their heart rhythms, a blood test that checks for heart damage and an ultrasound exam of their hearts. Out of 789 athletes screened, 30 showed some cardiac abnormality in those initial tests and were referred for a cardiac MRI to provide a better picture of their heart. Five of those, less than 1% of athletes screened, showed inflammation of the heart that sidelined them for the remainder of their seasons.
The researchers compiling the data did not name the players, although some have disclosed their own diagnoses. Boston Red Sox pitcher Eduardo Rodríguez returned to the mound this spring after missing the 2020 season following his COVID and myocarditis diagnoses. Similarly, Buffalo Bills tight end Tommy Sweeney was close to returning from a foot injury when he was diagnosed with myocarditis in November.
In the college ranks, many assumed Keyontae Johnson — a 21-year-old forward on the University of Florida men's basketball team who collapsed on the court in December, months after contracting COVID — might have developed myocarditis. The Gainesville Sun reported that month he had been diagnosed with myocarditis, but his family issued a statement in February saying the incident was not COVID-related and declined to release additional details.
Consequences Still Unclear
Doctors still don't know how significant those MRI findings of myocarditis may be for athletes. Tests looking for rare medical events often generate more false positives than true positives. And without comparing the results with those of athletes who didn't have COVID, it is hard to determine what changes to attribute to the virus — or what may just be an effect of athletic training or other causes.
Training significantly changes athletes' hearts, and what might look concerning in another patient could be perfectly normal for an elite athlete. Many endurance athletes, for example, have larger than average left ventricles and pump out a lower percentage of blood with each contraction. That would be a warning sign for patients who aren't highly trained athletes.
"You can definitely have what we call the gray zone, where extreme forms of athletic cardiac remodeling can actually look a little bit like pathology," said Dr. Jonathan Kim, a sports cardiologist at Emory University in Atlanta. "COVID has introduced a new challenge to this. Is it because they're a cross-country runner or is it because they just had COVID?"
Moreover, myocarditis is generally diagnosed based on symptoms — chest pain, shortness of breath, heart muscle weakness or electrical dysfunction — and then confirmed by MRI. It isn't clear whether MRI findings that look like myocarditis in the absence of those symptoms are just as concerning.
"They have normal physical exams. They have normal cardiograms. Nothing else is going on," said Dr. Robert Bonow, a cardiologist at Northwestern University and editor of JAMA Cardiology. "But when you order an MRI as part of a research study, you start seeing very subtle changes, because the MRI is very sensitive."
Were they finding "abnormalities" simply because they were looking? Even in patients who die of COVID, the rate of myocarditis is very low, Bonow said.
"So what's going on with the athletes? Is it something related to the fact that they had an infection, or is it something which is very nonspecific, related to COVID but not damage to the heart?" he said. "There's still a great deal of uncertainty."
Sports cardiologists involved in the pro sports data collection and in writing screening guidelines for athletes said the fact that players were able to resume their seasons without serious heart complications suggests the initial concern was overblown. Of the players who had mild or asymptomatic cases of COVID, none was ultimately found to have myocarditis, and none experienced ongoing heart complications through 2020. Many completed their 2020 season and have already started their next one.
"We overcalled it," Martinez said. "It shows what our guidelines reflected: The prevalence of cardiac disease in this condition is unusual in the athletic population."
Falling Through the Cracks
Those screening guidelines, published by a group of leading sports cardiologists in October, call for cardiac tests only for athletes with moderate or severe COVID symptoms. Athletes with asymptomatic cases or those with mild symptoms that have gone away can return to play without the additional testing. The National Federation of State High School Associations and the American Medical Society for Sports Medicine have put out similar guidelines for high school athletes.
But that approach would not flag players such as Demi Washington.
Washington, a 19-year old sophomore on Vanderbilt's women's basketball team, had a rather mild case of COVID. She had shared a meal with two teammates, one of whom later turned out to be infected. Seven days into a two-week quarantine in a hotel off campus, Washington also tested positive, and had to isolate with a stuffy nose for an additional 10 days. She waited for her symptoms to get worse, but they never did.
"It felt like allergies," she said.
But when her symptoms cleared and she returned to practice, the university required her to undergo several tests to ensure the virus had not affected her heart. The initial tests raised no concerns. An MRI, though, showed acute myocarditis.
Her season was over, but, more importantly, Washington, an athlete in prime physical condition, faced the possibility of losing her life. She learned about Hank Gathers, a 23-year-old Loyola Marymount basketball star who collapsed during a game in 1990 and died within hours. His autopsy confirmed an enlarged heart and myocarditis.
"That really put me on the edge of my seat," Washington said. "I was like, 'OK, I have to take this seriously, because I don't want to end up like that.'"
For months, she had to keep her heart rate under 110 beats per minute. Before, she ran 5 miles a day. With the myocarditis diagnosis, she had to wear a heart monitor, and even a brisk walk could push her above that threshold.
"One time I was walking to the gym and I might have been walking a little fast," Washington recalled. "My chest got really, really tight."
By mid-January, however, another MRI showed the inflammation had cleared, and she has since resumed working out.
"I'm so grateful that Vanderbilt does the MRI, because without it, there's no telling what could have happened," she said.
She wondered how many other athletes have been playing with myocarditis and didn't know it.
Cases like Washington's raise questions about how aggressively to screen. Her condition was found only because Vanderbilt took a much more conservative approach than that recommended by current guidelines: It screened all athletes with cardiac MRIs after they had COVID, regardless of the severity of their symptoms or their initial cardiac tests.
Of the 59 athletes screened post-COVID, the university found two with signs of myocarditis. That's just over 3%.
"Is the current rate of myocarditis that we're seeing high enough to warrant ongoing cardiovascular screening?" asked Dr. Daniel Clark, a Vanderbilt sports cardiologist and lead author of an analysis of the school's screening efforts. "Five percent is too much to ignore, in my opinion, but what is our societal threshold for not screening highly competitive athletes for myocarditis?"
Even though myocarditis is rare, studies have found that nonCOVID-related myocarditis causes up to 9% of sudden cardiac deaths among athletes, said Dr. Jonathan Drezner, director of the University of Washington Medicine Center for Sports Cardiology, who advises the NCAA on cardiac issues. Thus COVID adds a new risk. The NCAA alone reports more than 480,000 athletes. To provide a sense of scale: If all of them got COVID and even 1% were at risk of heart problems, that's 4,800 athletes.
Waiting for More Data
Doctors are now waiting for the release of data pooled from thousands of college athletes screened after having COVID last year. The American Heart Association and the American Medical Society for Sports Medicine have created a national registry to track COVID cases and heart disease in NCAA athletes, with more than 3,000 athletes enrolled, while the Big Ten conference is running its own registry.
That registry data may eventually help parse who is most at risk for heart complications, target who needs to be screened and improve the reliability of the tests. Doctors may discover that some symptoms are better indicators of risk than others. And down the road, genetic testing or other types of tests could identify who is most vulnerable.
But will smaller schools have the resources and know-how to screen all their athletes?
"How about all the junior colleges, all the Division III programs, the Division II programs?" Martinez said. "A lot of them are saying, 'Look, forget it. If we have do all this extra testing, we can't do it.'"
He said the new pro sports data should reassure those colleges and even high schools, because the vast majority of young, healthy athletes who contract COVID generally have mild or asymptomatic infections, and won't need further testing.
The same guidelines apply to recreational athletes. Those with mild or asymptomatic COVID can slowly resume exercising once their symptoms resolve without much concern. Those with moderate or severe cases should talk to their doctors before returning to sports.
Concerns for Small Schools
Large, wealthy universities like Vanderbilt have cutting-edge medical facilities with the resources and expertise to properly interpret cardiac MRIs. Smaller schools could struggle to get their athletes screened.
"There's only a small number of centers around the country that have the true expertise to be able to effectively do cardiac MRIs on athletes," said Dr. Dermot Phelan, a sports cardiologist with Atrium Health in Charlotte, North Carolina. "And the reality is that those systems are already stretched trying to deal with normal clinical data. If we were to add a huge population of athletes on top of that, I think we would stretch the medical system significantly."
Some schools with limited resources for testing could decide to bench athletes recovering from moderate or severe COVID rather than risk a devastating event. Others could allow athletes to resume playing once they've recovered, and then monitor them for signs of cardiac complications. Many NCAA schools added automated external defibrillators after Gathers' death in case an athlete collapses during a game or practice.
"You think about all the 100,000 high school athletes out there whose parents are concerned: Do they even have access to anyone who knows something about this? On the other hand, they're younger people who don't get really sick with COVID," said Dr. James Udelson, a cardiologist with Tufts Medical Center in Boston. "There's a concern about how much we don't know."
Legal Issues
Some schools may also worry about the liability of allowing players to return after a COVID infection if they can't get the proper cardiac screening.
"No matter what precautions a college or university takes in that regard, they can always be sued," said Richard Giller, an attorney with the Pillsbury Winthrop Shaw Pittman law firm in Los Angeles. "The real question is, do they have liability? I think that's going to depend on a number of factors, not the least of which is who recommended that student athletes who contracted COVID-19 return to play."
He recommends that colleges not rely solely on doctors affiliated with the university but have student athletes see their own private physicians to make return-to-play decisions. Teams may also ask players to sign waivers to the effect that if they return to play after a COVID infection, they might face cardiac complications.
Some colleges asked students to sign waivers absolving the school if a player contracted COVID. But the NCAA ruled that schools couldn't make those waivers a requirement to play.
Doctors don't know what might happen over the long run. With barely a year's worth of experience with COVID, it's not clear whether the myocarditis seen on MRIs will resolve quickly, or whether there might be lingering effects that cause complications years later.
That leaves many concerned about what we still don't know about COVID and the athlete's heart, as well as the handful of cases that might elude detection.
"You can take a cohort of athletes and put them through every single cardiac test and come out the other end, and one of them will die someday," Phelan said. "The reality is there's nothing we can do to be 100% guaranteed."
ESPN's Paula Lavigne and Mark Schlabach contributed to this report.
Dr. Sarah Van Orman treads carefully around the word "normal" when she describes what the fall 2021 term will look like at the University of Southern California in Los Angeles and other colleges nationwide.
In the era of COVID, the word conjures up images of campus life that university administrators know won't exist again for quite some time. As much as they want to move in that direction, Van Orman said, these first steps may be halting.
"We believe that higher education generally will be able to resume a kind of normal activity in the fall of '21, and by that I mean students in classrooms and in the residence halls, others on campus, and things generally open," said Van Orman, USC's chief health officer. "But it will not look like the fall of 2019, before the pandemic. That will take a while."
Interviews with campus officials and health administrators around the country reveal similar thinking. Almost every official who spoke with KHN said universities will open their classrooms and their dorms this fall. In many cases, they no longer can afford not to. But controlling those environments and limiting viral spread loom among the largest challenges in many schools' histories — and the notion of what constitutes normalcy is again being adjusted in real time.
The university officials predicted significantly increased on-campus activity, but with limits. Most of the schools expect to have students living on campus but attending only some classes in person or attending only on selected days — one way to stagger the head count and to limit classroom exposure. And all plan to have vaccines and plenty of testing available.
"We're going to be using face coverings," Van Orman said. "We're going to be lowering densities of people in certain areas. We're going to be offering vaccinations on campus, and we need tracking mechanisms so that we can perform contact tracing when it's called for."
With three vaccines being administered nationally so far, the chances that college faculty and staff members could be partially or fully inoculated against COVID by fall are improving. Students generally fall well down on the priority list to receive COVID vaccines, so schools are left to hope that vaccination of adults will keep COVID rates too low to cause major campus outbreaks. It may take months to test that assumption, depending on vaccination and disease rates, the duration of vaccine-induced immunity and the X-factor of variants and their resistance to existing vaccines.
And most colleges are interpreting federal law as prohibiting them from requiring staffers or students to be vaccinated, because the shots have been granted only emergency use authorization and are not yet licensed by the Food and Drug Administration.
Regardless, many schools are powering forward. The University of Houston recently announced it would return to full pre-pandemic levels of campus activity, as did the University of Minnesota. Boston University president Robert Brown said students will return this fall to classrooms, studios and laboratories "without the social distancing protocols that have been in place since last September." No hybrid classes will be offered, he said, nor will "workplace adjustments" be made for faculty and staff.
The University of South Carolina plans to return residence halls to normal occupancy, with face-to-face classes and the resumption of other operations at the 35,000-student main campus, Debbie Beck, the school's chief health officer, announced last month.
At some of the largest state institutions, however, it's clear that a campus-by-campus decision-making process remains in play. In December, the California State University system, a behemoth that enrolls nearly half a million students, announced plans for "primarily in-person" instruction this fall, only to be contradicted by officials at one of its 23 campuses.
The 17,000-student Chico State campus plans to offer about a quarter of its fall course sections either fully in person or blended, president Gayle Hutchinson wrote to the campus community in February. "There is no easy explanation of what this means for students," she said. "It could mean a fully online schedule, or one that is both in-person and online."
The 285,000-student University of California system in January declared a return to primarily in-person instruction for fall, but said specific plans and protocols would be announced by each of its 10 campuses. Places like UCLA, in Los Angeles County, which was ravaged by sky-high infection rates for months, could wind up with far fewer in-person classes than UC campuses in Merced or Santa Cruz.
There's no getting around the financial component of schools' decisions for the fall. After most of the more than 4,000 colleges and universities in the U.S. went into full or nearly full physical shutdown late last spring, overall enrollment fell 2.5% and freshman enrollment decreased by more than 13%. And the real pain was felt in empty dormitories and cafeterias. For many schools, room and board make up the profit margin for the year.
According to research by the College Board, room and board costs rose faster than tuition and fees at public two- and four-year institutions over the past five years. In 2017, the Urban Institute found that room and board costs had more than doubled since 1980 in inflation-adjusted dollars. When those dollars dry up, as they have during the pandemic, budgets can be severely strained.
In mid-March, Mills College, a 169-year-old women's liberal arts school in Oakland, announced it would no longer admit first-year undergrads and would instead become an institute promoting women's leadership. Mills is among a number of schools in financial distress that the pandemic pushed over the edge.
In an October letter to Congress seeking enhanced financial support, the American Council on Education estimated a collective $120 billion in pandemic-related losses by the nation's colleges and universities. The Chronicle of Higher Education in February revised that estimate to a staggering $183 billion, "the biggest losses our financial sector has ever faced."
There are no easy solutions. The hybrid class model, with professors simultaneously teaching some students in person and others online, "is a heavy lift for both institutions and faculty," said Sue Lorenson, vice dean for undergraduate education at Georgetown University. But although instructors generally loathe it, that model almost certainly will be in place at most schools this fall to keep enrollments as high as possible.
Clearly, the preference at any school is to have those students back on campus. And university health officials would rather see them living in dorms. As long as infection rates are low in communities around campus, "the schools really have a great ability to keep those kids in the residential halls very safe," Van Orman said. "We've got the ability to test them regularly and mitigate with mask-wearing, distancing, disinfecting and other things."
One of USC's biggest viral outbreaks, in fact, occurred off campus last summer, when more than 40 people became infected in the "fraternity row" area, a couple of blocks away from the university.
On campuses across the country, officials say, the fall term will again be marked by adjustments all around. And as for the return to a true normal?
"I don't think, reasonably, that this will happen before September of '22, and I truly believe we'll probably be looking at '23," Antonio Calcado, chief operating officer at Rutgers, New Jersey's 70,000-student state university, said during a campus presentation. "It was easy bringing the university to a standstill. It'll be difficult bringing it back up to where we need to be."
It is hard to qualify for Medicaid as an adult in Missouri. Single adults aren't eligible for coverage through the state's program — dubbed MO HealthNet — at all, and parents can't make more than 21% of the federal poverty level: $5,400 in 2021 for a family of three.
That was all set to change on July 1 because of a constitutional amendment voters approved last summer, which made Missouri the 38th state to expand Medicaid coverage through the Affordable Care Act. Single adults would be covered if they made under around $17,770.
As many as 275,000 additional Missourians could get coverage — if there's funding for the program. But in the deep-red state, which voted for former President Donald Trump by more than 15 percentage points in 2020, lawmakers are looking to undo the voters' decision.
As it crafts the budget for the next fiscal year, the state legislature has moved to strip funding for Medicaid expansion. Rep. Cody Smith, the Republican chair of the House budget committee, separated the money for expansion into its own bill, which the GOP-controlled committee voted down in March. On the floor of the House last week, Smith said, "Medicaid expansion is wrong for Missouri, I think it's wrong for the state budget."
Smith argued spending on expansion is irresponsible, even though the federal government covers 90% of the costs for those covered under expansion. Compare that with the 60% of costs Washington covers for current Medicaid recipients.
Nevertheless, Smith contended that "the federal government has no money — there is only taxpayer dollars. They are federal-deficit-spending at a rate that is unprecedented at this point."
Complicating that argument is the state's current budget surplus, which Missouri's Republican governor estimated at nearly $1.1 billion for the 2021 fiscal year. In addition to an influx in federal aid money, the state saw higher-than-expected revenues and, because it delayed tax collection in 2020, that money rolled over into the current fiscal year, which began in July 2020.
Some Republicans contend the rural districts they represent voted against the measure; others claim voters were misled. For example, during floor debate on the budget last week, Republican Rep. Justin Hill said, "Even though my constituents voted for this lie, I am going to protect them from this lie."
Democrats argue Republicans are pushing ideology over the will of the people — who voted by more than 6 percentage points to expand the program. They also contend the legislature is now required to fund expansion because it's in the constitution.
"Even if we didn't have a surplus right now of dollars, we've seen in every other state that's expanded they've actually had cost savings in states and revenue increases," said Rep. Peter Merideth, the ranking Democrat on the House budget committee.
A large body of research has found a range of budget benefits associated with Medicaid expansion, and opponents' predictions that paying for expansion comes at a cost for other priorities such as education or transportation have not proved true for other states.
Additionally, the American Rescue Plan Act, which President Joe Biden signed into law last month, compels the federal government to pitch in an extra 5% of costs for new expansion states.
In Missouri, that could amount to $1 billion over the next two years, according to the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services. That incentive has pushed other GOP-controlled states to consider expanding Medicaid as well, and Missouri Republican Gov. Mike Parson included expansion funding in his proposed budget. While Parson opposed expansion in the run-up to the vote, he has since argued he has to carry out the will of the voters. "If it's not funded, there'll be challenges to that," Parson said at a recent press briefing.
There are a number of ways those legal challenges could play out. Thomas Bennett, an associate professor at the University of Missouri School of Law, said it will depend on what the state Department of Social Services does with the money it is budgeted.
If the state denied coverage to someone eligible under expansion, Bennett said, that would be grounds for a lawsuit. On the other hand, Missouri "could just try to muddle through with the money that it already has and try to provide as much coverage as it could to everybody who is made eligible." That, Bennett said, could result in another set of problems, because there are minimum standards the state must meet to participate in Medicaid.
James Layton, a former solicitor general for Missouri, points to more trouble the legislature could run into with the Missouri Constitution. The ballot measure was a constitutional amendment, Layton explained. "The legislature can't actually change eligibility for MO HealthNet in an appropriations bill," Layton said. "This particular aspect of Medicaid eligibility — of MO HealthNet eligibility — it's in the constitution, so the legislature can't change it at all."
The big legal question of what happens if the legislature defies the constitutional amendment could still be rendered moot. The budget will now head to the state Senate, where Republicans are split over what to do. While some have said they support including expansion funding, others are still speaking out against it. The deadline for those disputes to be resolved is July 1, the date the constitution states eligibility will expand, regardless of funding.