Even after she's clocked out, Sarah Lewin keeps a Ford Explorer outfitted with medical gear parked outside her house. As one of just four paramedics covering five counties across vast, sprawling eastern Montana, she knows a call that someone had a heart attack, was in a serious car crash, or needs life support and is 100-plus miles away from the nearest hospital can come at any time.
"I've had as much as 100 hours of overtime in a two-week period," said Lewin, the battalion chief for the Miles City Fire and Rescue department. "Other people have had more."
Paramedics are often the most highly skilled medical providers on emergency response crews, and their presence can make a lifesaving difference in rural areas where health services are scarce. Paramedics are trained to administer specialized care from the field, such as placing a breathing tube in a blocked airway or decompressing a collapsed lung. Such procedures are beyond the training of emergency medical technicians.
But paramedics are hard to come by, and a long-standing workforce shortage has been exacerbated by turnover and resignations related to pandemic burnout.
Larger departments are trying to attract paramedics by boosting pay and offering hefty signing bonuses. But small teams in underserved counties across the U.S. don't have the budgets to compete. Instead, some rural crews are trying to train existing emergency responders for the roles, with mixed results.
Miles City is among the few communities in rural eastern Montana to have paramedic-level services, but the department doesn't have enough paramedics to offer that care 24/7, which is why medics like Lewin take calls on their time off. The team received a federal grant so four staffers could become paramedics, but it could fill only two slots. Some prospects turned down the training because they couldn't balance the intense program with their day jobs. Others didn't want the added workload that comes with being a paramedic.
"If you're the only paramedic on, you end up taking more calls," Lewin said.
What's happening in Miles City is also happening nationwide. People who work in emergency medical care have long had a name for the problem: the paramedic paradox.
"The patients who need the paramedics the most are in the more rural areas," said Dia Gainor, executive director of the National Association of State EMS Officials. But paramedics tend to gravitate to dense urban areas where response times are faster, the drives to hospitals are shorter, and the health systems are more advanced.
"Nationally, throw a dart at the map, the odds are that any rural area is struggling with staffing, with revenue, with access to training and education," Gainor said. "The list goes on."
The Michigan Association of Ambulance Services has dubbed the paramedic and EMT shortage "a full-blown emergency" and called on the state legislature this year to spend $20 million to cover the costs of recruiting and training 1,000 new paramedics and EMTs.
At the beginning of this year, Colorado reactivated its crisis standard of care for short-staffed emergency medical service crews experiencing mounting demand for ambulances during a surge in COVID cases. The shortage is such a problem that in Denver a medical center and high school teamed up to offer courses through a paramedic school to pique students' interest.
In Montana, 691 licensed paramedics treat patients in emergency settings, said Jon Ebelt, a spokesperson for the Montana Department of Public Health and Human Services. More than half are in the state's five most-populous counties — Yellowstone, Gallatin, Missoula, Flathead, and Cascade — covering a combined 11% of the state's 147,000 square miles. Meanwhile, 21 of Montana's 56 counties don't have a single licensed EMS paramedic.
Andy Gienapp, deputy executive director of the National Association of State EMS Officials, said a major problem is funding. The federal Medicaid and Medicare reimbursements for emergency care often fall short of the cost of operating an ambulance service. Most local teams rely on a patchwork of volunteers and staffers, and the most isolated places often survive on volunteers alone, without the funding to hire a highly skilled paramedic.
If those rural groups do find or train paramedics in-house, they're often poached by larger stations. "Paramedics get siphoned off because as soon as they have those skills, they're marketable," Gienapp said.
Gienapp wants to see more states deem emergency care an essential service so its existence is guaranteed and tax dollars chip in. So far, only about a dozen states have done so.
But action at the state level doesn't always guarantee the budgets EMS workers say they need. Last year, Utah lawmakers passed a law requiring municipalities and counties to ensure at least a "minimum level" of ambulance services. But legislators didn't appropriate any money to go with the law, leaving the added cost — estimated to be up to $41 per resident each year — for local governments to figure out.
Andy Smith, a paramedic and executive director of the Grand County Emergency Medical Services in Moab, Utah, said at least one town that his crew serves doesn't contribute to the department's costs. The team's territory includes 6,000 miles of roads and trails, and Smith said it's a constant struggle to find and retain the staffers to cover that ground.
Smith said his team is lucky — it has several paramedics, in part because the nearby national park draws interest and the ambulance service has helped staffers pay for paramedic certification. But even those perks haven't attracted enough candidates, and he knows some of those who do come will be lured away. He recently saw a paramedic job in nearby Colorado starting at $70,000, a salary he said he can't match.
"The public has this expectation that if something happens, we always have an ambulance available, we're there in a couple of minutes, and we have the highest-trained people," Smith said. "The reality is that's not always the case when the money is rare and it's hard to find and retain people."
Despite the staffing and budget crunches, state leaders often believe emergency crews can fill gaps in basic healthcare in rural areas. Montana is among the states trying to expand EMS work to nonemergency and preventive care, such as having medical technicians meet patients in their homes for wound treatment.
A private ambulance provider in Montana's Powder River County agreed to provide those community services in 2019. But the owner has since retired, and the company closed. The county picked up emergency services last year, and County Commissioner Lee Randall said that providing basic healthcare is on the back burner. The top priority is hiring a paramedic.
Advancing the care that EMT crews can do without paramedics is possible. Montana's EMS system manager, Shari Graham, said the state has created certifications for basic EMTs to provide some higher levels of care, such as starting an IV line. The state has also increased training in rural communities so volunteers can avoid traveling for it. But those steps still leave gaps in advanced life support.
"Realistically, you're just not going to have paramedics in those rural areas where there's no income available," Graham said.
Back in Miles City, Lewin said her department may get an extension to train additional paramedics next year. But she's not sure she'll be able to fill the spots. She has a few new EMT hires, but they won't be ready for paramedic certification by then.
"I don't have any people interested," Lewin said. For now, she'll keep that emergency care rig in her driveway, ready to go.
Every now and then, Suzanne Rybak and her husband, Jim, receive pieces of mail addressed to their deceased son, Jameson. Typically, it's junk mail that requires little thought, Suzanne said.
But on March 5, an envelope for Jameson came from McLeod Health.
Jim saw it first. He turned to his wife and asked, "Have you taken your blood pressure medication today?"
He knew showing her the envelope would resurface the pain and anger their family had experienced since taking Jameson to McLeod Regional Medical Center two years ago.
As KHN previously reported, Jameson was experiencing withdrawal symptoms from quitting opioids. Suzanne feared for her son's life and took him to the emergency room near their home in Florence, South Carolina, on March 11, 2020.
There, they encountered a paucity of addiction treatment and the potential for high medical costs — two problems that plague many families affected by the opioid crisis and often lead to missed opportunities to save lives.
Jameson was not offered medications to treat opioid use disorder in the ER, nor was he given referrals to other treatment facilities, Suzanne said. The hospital wanted to admit him, but, being uninsured, Jameson feared a high bill. The hospital didn't inform him of its financial assistance policy, Suzanne said. And he decided to leave.
Three months later, Jameson, 30, died of an overdose in his childhood bedroom.
In the following months, the Rybaks received bills from the McLeod Health system addressed to Jameson. He owed $4,928, it said. Suzanne called and wrote to hospital administrators until September 2020, when the bill was resolved under the system's financial assistance program.
That was the last they had heard from McLeod Health until the new envelope arrived March 5 — one week before the two-year anniversary of his ER visit. That visit was what Suzanne calls "the beginning of the end for my son."
When the Rybaks opened the envelope, they found a strikingly familiar bill for $4,928.
"I can't even describe my anger and sadness," Suzanne said. "It's always present, but when we received that statement, we were just stunned."
There's no national data to indicate how often patients or their families receive medical bills that were previously paid or forgiven, but hospital billing experts say they frequently see it happen. Patients receive bills for claims their insurers already paid. A reminder statement arrives even after a patient submitted payment.
Unlike "surprise bills," which often result from policy gaps when a provider is out of network, these are bills that were resolved but continue to pop up anyway. They can carry financial consequences — patients wind up paying for something they don't truly owe or bills get passed on to debt collection agencies, triggering more phones calls and red tape. But often it's the emotional toll that wears on patients most, spending hours on the phone with customer service each time the bill resurfaces or reliving the situations that led to the bill in the first place. For families like the Rybaks, the cost can feel never-ending.
Suzanne Rybak refused to engage with the McLeod hospital again but told KHN about the new bill.
In response to questions from KHN, McLeod Health determined the bill the Rybaks received was a mistake.
"Unfortunately our software system regenerated this statement due to a technical issue," wrote spokesperson Jumana Swindler. "We are checking to ensure that it has not happened to any other patients and we are sorry this family was impacted by the error."
A week after KHN's inquiry, the Rybaks received a letter from the hospital explaining and apologizing for the error.
Many medical billing cases like this "boil down to human error," said Michael Corbett, director of healthcare consulting for LBMC, a Tennessee-based firm that consults with health systems nationally on issues like billing and revenue. "Facilities don't have a lack of tools [to avoid this]. It's a breakdown in their processes."
A billing agent may forget to mark the account as paid, he said. Or the hospital might contract its billing to an outside company and fail to inform them that this bill was covered under the hospital's financial assistance program.
As hospitals and medical practices increasingly consolidate under large health systems, the chances for errors increase. Even hospitals and clinics within the same system may have different backend software, and within each hospital there can be separate programs for billing and electronic health records, Corbett explained.
Larger health systems may also have more people processing any given bill. If responsibilities are not clearly defined, multiple employees could unknowingly act on the same patient account.
The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated potential errors, Corbett said. New medical billing employees may have received quick, virtual training and are working remotely with little interaction with team members or oversight. Some billing departments are understaffed, leading to delays in patients receiving bills or follow-up notices, he added.
To curb mistakes, Corbett said, hospitals need to invest in more comprehensive training and supervision for billing employees; enact consistent processes for anything from how patients' financial information is collected at registration to when they're sent bills; and, perhaps most important, track whether those processes are being followed.
For patients who find themselves in a situation like the Rybak family's, Corbett advises calling the hospital billing department and asking to speak with a senior leader in its revenue cycle division. Unlike an account representative, this person could make decisions, Corbett said.
At the end of the conversation, ask to get the explanation in writing, he added.
"You'd anticipate and hope those notes are being recorded," Corbett said, but that may not be the case. Or notes might get recorded in a section of hospital files that are excluded from a patient's legal medical record, making it difficult for patients to access later.
For Suzanne Rybak, the idea of calling McLeod Health to straighten out yet another bill was too much. Instead, she added the statement to a binder of paperwork, in which she's documented all her billing struggles with McLeod Health over the past two years.
Still, out of sight hardly means out of mind. The binder sits in her craft room, where she remembers Jameson encouraging her as she made beach bags and other items. He'd say to use "fruity colors," Suzanne recalled — his way of describing tropical colors. Now she makes candles in that room, focusing on tropical fragrances she knows Jameson would have loved.
"I want hospitals to realize that you're not just sending this bill to an address," Suzanne said. "There are people who live in that house, who are going to open that mail and have feelings. … It's a disaster to bring all that up again."
Soon after Dr. Mai Fleming finished her medical residency in the San Francisco Bay Area, she got to work on her Texas medical license. The family medicine doctor had no intention of moving there but invested nine months to master Texas medical law, submit to background checks, get fingerprinted, and pay hundreds of dollars in licensing fees.
It's a process she has since completed for more than a dozen other states — most recently New Mexico, in February.
"Where I live is an area where abortion is really readily accessible," said Fleming, who practices in San Francisco, California. "My approach has been to broaden access beyond my geographic bubble."
Fleming is among a wave of doctors, nurse practitioners, and other healthcare providers who are getting licensed in multiple states so they can use telemedicine and mail-order pharmacies to help more women get medication abortions.
But they're increasingly being stymied by state regulations. Many states already restrict doctors' ability to consult with patients online or by phone and/or dispense abortion pills through mail-order pharmacies. A crop of new legislation could shut them out, pushed by lawmakers who oppose abortion and argue the medication is too risky to be prescribed without a thorough, in-person examination.
So far this year, 22 states have introduced a combined 104 proposals attempting to restrict medication abortions, such as by prohibiting the mailing of abortion pills and/or requiring them to be dispensed in person, according to the Guttmacher Institute, an organization that researches and advocates for abortion rights. Four of those proposals have already been enacted by South Dakota.
In Georgia, lawmakers are considering a measure that would require the pills to be dispensed in person and would prohibit anyone from sending them through the mail. The bill, which has passed one of two chambers of the Georgia legislature, also requires pregnant patients to appear in person for tests to check for rare complications and gather other information, a common strategy anti-abortion lawmakers have used to make medication abortion more difficult to obtain.
"We wouldn't have a telemedicine visit and teach a woman how to perform a surgical abortion," said Bruce Thompson (R-White), the Georgia state senator who introduced the measure. "Why would we do that with pills when, frankly, we have plenty of physicians or medical clinics around the state?"
If it passes, Georgia will join the 19 other states that prohibit telemedicine for medication abortions.
In a medication abortion, people who are up to 10 weeks pregnant can terminate their pregnancies by ingesting two pills over 48 hours: mifepristone, which terminates the pregnancy, and misoprostol, which expels it. The method has become increasingly popular, and more than half of abortions in the U.S. in 2020 were medication abortions.
Last year, the FDA made it easier for health professionals to prescribe the drugs used in medication abortions by removing the requirement that they be dispensed inside a clinic or hospital. That opened the door for patients to consult with a certified doctor online or over the phone and get a prescription mailed by a licensed pharmacy.
Dr. Lester Ruppersberger, a retired OB-GYN and president of the Catholic Medical Association in 2016, opposes telemedicine abortion, saying patients should make the decision face-to-face with a doctor.
Women need testing beforehand, he said, as well as access to surgeons or OB-GYNs in case of complications afterward.
"If somebody really wants an abortion, whether it's surgical or it's medical, and the closest facility where you can safely get access to that particular procedure is three hours away, then you'll get in your car, perfectly healthy, and drive three hours to take advantage of the medical system," said Ruppersberger, who is the medical director of two crisis pregnancy centers in Pennsylvania that provide pregnancy care while discouraging abortion.
But some abortion providers saw the FDA's regulatory change as an opportunity to expand access for people in states that are restricting abortion procedures and/or medication abortions.
For nearly two years, Fleming flew to Texas a few days a month to perform abortion procedures, but that ended in September 2021, when SB 8, a Texas law banning almost all abortions after about six weeks, went into effect. Since then, similar laws have been introduced or passed in Idaho and Oklahoma.
This summer, the U.S. Supreme Court likely will rule on Mississippi's proposed 15-week abortion ban, a case that could end the national right to abortion enshrined by Roe v. Wade and leave the question up to states.
Now, Fleming primarily uses telemedicine to try to bring abortions to more people, despite the crackdowns. Many of her patients are from states with permissive abortion rules but live in rural or other areas where abortions are hard to find.
"Ultimately this kind of work does broaden access to folks who have no other options," Fleming said. "But it's not actually solving the root issue and the restrictions that shouldn't exist in the first place."
At the crux of Fleming's argument: No matter how many providers get licensed in states that allow telemedicine and mail-order abortion prescriptions, they can't provide those services in the growing number of states that don't.
"We're reaching a point where the states with favorable regulatory situations are already served," said Elisa Wells, the co-founder and co-director of Plan C, which helps patients get medication abortions.
Once the FDA adopted the new regulations last year, Wells awarded research grants to some providers to get their telemedicine practices up and running. They used the money for malpractice insurance, licensing, and other costs.
One of those doctors, Dr. Razel Remen, based in the Detroit area, has since obtained licenses in multiple states. Remen performs abortions at a Michigan clinic and can serve patients in Colorado, Illinois, Minnesota, and New York and through telemedicine.
Remen said she was inspired to get into telemedicine when she saw the work of Dr. Rebecca Gomperts, who founded a group called Aid Access.
Aid Access relies on nine U.S.-based clinicians to provide medication abortions in the states that allow it via telemedicine. To serve patients in the remaining states, the group works through a doctor and pharmacy based outside the U.S.; neither is subject to U.S. regulations. Gomperts practices in Austria and prescribes abortion medication through an Indian pharmacy.
Joanne Spetz, director of the Philip R. Lee Institute for Health Policy Studies at the University of California-San Francisco, said doctors interested in providing medication abortions across state lines can only do so much as more states shut down the practice.
"These efforts to credential and train and educate more clinicians certainly can help to reduce the pressure on the system," Spetz said. But "unless somebody wants to try to flout those state laws, it doesn't necessarily help."
Nurses warn that the fallout will ripple through their profession, demoralizing and depleting the ranks of nurses already stretched thin by the pandemic. Ultimately, they say, it will worsen healthcare for all.
This article was published on Tuesday, April 5, 2022 in Kaiser Health News.
Emma Moore felt cornered. At a community health clinic in Portland, Oregon, the 29-year-old nurse practitioner said she felt overwhelmed and undertrained. Coronavirus patients flooded the clinic for two years, and Moore struggled to keep up.
Then the stakes became clear. On March 25, about 2,400 miles away in a Tennessee courtroom, former nurse RaDonda Vaught was convicted of two felonies and facing eight years in prison for a fatal medication mistake.
Like many nurses, Moore wondered if that could be her. She'd made medication errors before, although none so grievous. But what about the next one? In the pressure cooker of pandemic-era healthcare, another mistake felt inevitable.
Four days after Vaught's verdict, Moore quit. She said Vaught's verdict contributed to her decision.
"It's not worth the possibility or the likelihood that this will happen," Moore said, "if I'm in a situation where I'm set up to fail."
In the wake of Vaught's trial ― an extremely rare case of a healthcare worker being criminally prosecuted for a medical error ― nurses and nursing organizations have condemned the verdict through tens of thousands of social media posts, shares, comments, and videos. They warn that the fallout will ripple through their profession, demoralizing and depleting the ranks of nurses already stretched thin by the pandemic. Ultimately, they say, it will worsen healthcare for all.
Statements from the American Nurses Association, the American Association of Critical-Care Nurses, and the National Medical Association each said Vaught's conviction set a "dangerous precedent." Linda Aiken, a nursing and sociology professor at the University of Pennsylvania, said that although Vaught's case is an "outlier," it will make nurses less forthcoming about mistakes.
"One thing that everybody agrees on is it's going to have a dampening effect on the reporting of errors or near misses, which then has a detrimental effect on safety," Aiken said. "The only way you can really learn about errors in these complicated systems is to have people say, 'Oh, I almost gave the wrong drug because …'
"Well, nobody is going to say that now."
Fear and outrage about Vaught's case have swirled among nurses on Facebook, Twitter, and Reddit. On TikTok, a video platform increasingly popular among medical professionals, videos with the "#RaDondaVaught" hashtag totaled more than 47 million views.
Vaught's supporters catapulted a plea for her clemency to the top of Change.org, a petition website. And thousands also joined a Facebook group planning to gather in protest outside Vaught's sentencing hearing in May.
Ashley Bartholomew, 36, a Tampa, Florida, nurse who followed the trial through YouTube and Twitter, echoed the fear of many others. Nurses have long felt forced into "impossible situations" by mounting responsibilities and staffing shortages, she said, particularly in hospitals that operate with lean staffing models.
"The big response we are seeing is because all of us are acutely aware of how bad the pandemic has exacerbated the existing problems," Bartholomew said. And "setting a precedent for criminally charging [for] an error is only going to make this exponentially worse."
Vaught, who worked at Vanderbilt University Medical Center in Nashville, was convicted in the death of Charlene Murphey, a 75-year-old patient who died from a drug mix-up in 2017. Murphey was prescribed a dose of a sedative, Versed, but Vaught accidentally withdrew a powerful paralyzer, vecuronium, from an automated medication-dispensing cabinet and administered it to the patient.
Prosecutors argued that Vaught overlooked many obvious signs she'd withdrawn the wrong drug and did not monitor Murphey after she was given a deadly dose. Vaught owned up to the error but said it was an honest mistake ― not a crime.
Some of Vaught's peers support the conviction.
Scott Shelp, a California nurse with a small YouTube channel, posted a 26-minute self-described "unpopular opinion" that Vaught deserves to serve prison time. "We need to stick up for each other," he said, "but we cannot defend the indefensible."
Shelp said he would never make the same error as Vaught and "neither would any competent nurse." Regarding concerns that the conviction would discourage nurses from disclosing errors, Shelp said "dishonest" nurses "should be weeded out" of the profession anyway.
"In any other circumstance, I can't believe anyone ― including nurses ― would accept 'I didn't mean to' as a serious defense," Shelp said. "Punishment for a harmful act someone actually did is justice."
Vaught was acquitted of reckless homicide but convicted of a lesser charge, criminally negligent homicide, and gross neglect of an impaired adult. As outrage spread across social media, the Nashville district attorney's office defended the conviction, saying in a statement it was "not an indictment against the nursing profession or the medical community."
"This case is, and always has been, about the one single individual who made 17 egregious actions, and inactions, that killed an elderly woman," said the office's spokesperson, Steve Hayslip. "The jury found that Vaught's actions were so far below the protocols and standard level of care, that the jury (which included a longtime nurse and another healthcare professional) returned a guilty verdict in less than four hours."
The office of Tennessee Gov. Bill Lee confirmed he is not considering clemency for Vaught despite the Change.org petition, which had amassed about 187,000 signatures as of April 4.
Lee spokesperson Casey Black said that outside of death penalty cases the governor relies on the Board of Parole to recommend defendants for clemency, which happens only after sentencing and a board investigation.
But the controversy around Vaught's case is far from over. As of April 4, more than 8,200 people had joined a Facebook group planning a march in protest outside the courthouse during her sentencing May 13.
Among the event's planners is Tina Visant, the host of "Good Nurse Bad Nurse," a podcast that followed Vaught's case and opposed her prosecution.
"I don't know how Nashville is going to handle it," Visant said of the protest during a recent episode about Vaught's trial. "There are a lot of people coming from all over."
Nurses warn that the fallout will ripple through their profession, demoralizing and depleting the ranks of nurses already stretched thin by the pandemic. Ultimately, they say, it will worsen healthcare for all.
Pennsylvania's Mifflin County offers a snapshot into how one hard-hit community, with more than 300 dead, is coping.
This article was published on Friday, April 1, 2022 in Kaiser Health News.
McVEYTOWN, PA — Connie Houtz didn't think COVID would be that bad.
She'd seen many people in this rural hamlet in central Pennsylvania get infected yet recover within a few days. She did not get vaccinated because she worried about how a new vaccine, developed in record time, might affect her heart condition.
Last October, her youngest son, 45-year-old Eric Delamarter, developed a chest cold. He put off going to the doctor because he had customers waiting at his shop where he repaired cars, she said. When he finally went to the emergency room at Geisinger Lewistown Hospital, he was diagnosed with pneumonia and COVID.
Within a few days, Houtz's oldest son, 50-year-old Toby Delamarter, had also been admitted to the hospital with the virus and shortness of breath.
Less than two weeks later, both of her sons were dead. Neither had been vaccinated.
"Even though it does not seem fair and does not seem right, down the road we will find a reason for why things happen," said Houtz, 71, as she sat at her kitchen table.
Eric and Toby Delamarter are two of the roughly 300 people who have died of COVID in Mifflin County, where cows grazing in pastures and Amish horse and buggies are frequent sights. The county 60 miles northwest of Harrisburg leans heavily Republican — 77% of votes cast in 2020 were for Donald Trump — and the former president's downplaying of COVID-19 found fertile ground there.
Mifflin has one of the highest COVID death rates among U.S. counties with at least 40,000 people, according to government data compiled by Johns Hopkins University — 591 deaths per 100,000 residents as of mid-March, compared with 298 deaths nationally.
The United States is nearing 1 million deaths from COVID — a number that few thought possible when the pandemic began.
In March 2020, Dr. Anthony Fauci, director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, said that based on modeling of the pace of the coronavirus's spread in the U.S. at that time, "between 100,000 and 200,000" people may die from COVID.
Reaching a million deaths seemed even more improbable when safe and effective vaccines came onto the market in December 2020. More than 60% of the 977,000 deaths have occurred since then.
Mifflin County offers a snapshot into how one hard-hit community moved from skepticism about the scientific reality of the COVID virus, and then about the vaccine, to coping with unbearable loss and processing the trauma. Roughly 8 in 10 deaths nationwide from April to December 2021 were among the unvaccinated, according to the latest analysis of data from 23 states and New York City and Seattle by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
Mifflin County Coroner Daniel Lynch isn't over the stress of COVID even as deaths have declined this year. As of mid-March, his office had counted 337 COVID deaths in the county — about 60 more than the official tally kept by the state. That's because the coroner counts anyone who dies in the county, including those who lived in other counties. Among the people in the coroner's count, 311 hadn't received even one COVID shot. Few residents wore masks even when cases were high nationally and locally.
"It was pure hell," Lynch said. "I have been a coroner since 1996 and never got calls from nurses reporting deaths crying on the phone or facilities reporting two or three deaths at one time."
In Lewistown, the county seat, finding people who knew some of the dead is easy.
At the Corner Lunchbox on a recent afternoon, hands of all five employees and customers quickly shot up when asked whether they knew anyone killed by COVID. Sheila Saurbeck, 65, a manager, said she had lost two friends. And she had COVID herself last year, recovering after a couple of weeks.
Behind the counter was owner Lorrie Sirgey, 56. She said she was hospitalized with COVID for four days last spring before she got vaccinated. "It's been a scary time," she said.
As elsewhere in the country, Mifflin County has seen COVID cases fall dramatically since January. It's unusual to see anyone wearing masks. Health experts point to several factors behind Mifflin County's high death rate:
A low COVID vaccination rate (51% of residents are fully vaccinated, compared with 63% statewide).
The prominent Amish and Mennonite populations; Amish people make up over 8% of county residents. Members of those communities largely did not get vaccinated and often gathered for large weddings and funerals during the past two years, according to county officials. Amish, in particular, have low rates of vaccination because they are leery of government intervention and rely on family traditions for preventive medicine.
Mifflin County Commissioner Kevin Kodish also blames politics.
"We are very rural here," he said. "It's heavy Republican and heavy in Trump support, so in the beginning people were skeptical of COVID because he downplayed the disease. And I think that carried over with skepticism with vaccines."
Having so many deaths in the county of about 45,000 people is difficult to comprehend, he added. His 94-year-old mother, who was living in a nursing home, died last year not long after her own bout with COVID.
Kodish, the only Democrat on the three-member County Commission, said COVID split the community, between people who took the disease seriously and got vaccinated, practiced physical distancing, and wore masks and others who just wanted to live their regular lives.
Although COVID has been devastating to many families, the Republican mayor of Lewistown, Deborah Bargo, acknowledged the death toll but focused on how her town's economy is improving.
"It's been hard for those who have lost loved ones, and that pain never goes away," said Bargo, who has been mayor for 15 years. "But, economically, we've bounced back."
Bargo pointed out that nearly every storefront in the downtown square is occupied, a century-old theater is being restored, and a young Mennonite entrepreneur has recently opened a cafe-bakery.
She said she is worried that many older people who stayed in their homes because of fears about COVID have been forever changed by the isolation. In her church, she said, people who wear masks still sit away from everyone else.
Noah Wise, 59, a road supervisor in Burnham, just north of Lewistown, said he's not coping well. His wife, Lisa, a nurse at Geisinger's outpatient care department, died of COVID in December. She was 58 and not vaccinated because she was worried how the vaccine would affect a chronic health condition — even though health experts say people with chronic health issues are more likely to suffer severe consequences and death from COVID.
Wise said Lisa likely caught the virus from him after he was infected in October. "She had no regrets about not being vaccinated," Wise said. "She thought she would pull through."
His wife's death has not persuaded him to get vaccinated because he believes his earlier infection has given him immunity. Natural immunity does confer some resistance to catching the disease but is highly variable in strength, so health experts urge those who have been infected to get vaccinated.
Jenny Barron Landis, executive director of the Juniata River Valley Visitors Bureau, which covers Mifflin County, said many community members were not interested in taking orders from government scientists. "We have a lot of independent farmers and business owners that didn't agree with or honor the mandates, and that has played a big role here in the number of deaths and the number of cases," she said.
Against that backdrop, Geoff Burke, a local funeral director, recalled weeks when his Lewistown funeral home would handle up to 17 deaths, many of them from COVID — triple its average. "We were overwhelmed," he said. "COVID just ravaged our town as it went from nursing home to nursing home."
On March 15, Geisinger Lewistown, a 133-bed hospital, had just two COVID patients, down from 50 earlier this winter, said Dr. Michael Hegstrom, chief medical officer for the region of Geisinger that includes Mifflin County. Geisinger refused to disclose what percentage of its employees at the Lewistown hospital have been vaccinated for COVID. It would say only that all its employees are either vaccinated or received an exemption. Geisinger also refused to disclose how many of its employees in Lewistown died of COVID.
Yet the hospital is still being affected by the virus. It is running above capacity because of high numbers of patients with medical issues such as heart disease and cancer who put off care during the pandemic, Hegstrom said.
Connie Houtz said that the deaths of Eric and Toby — two of her three children — had been hard but that she was thankful for family and friends and strong faith. She remembers Toby — who had some health problems, including cancer of the small intestine a few years ago — as "easygoing and a big teddy bear." Eric, who had high blood pressure, loved spending time with his daughter and taking the teenager fishing, Houtz said.
Both brothers rode Harley-Davidson motorcycles and would hang out with friends at a bar near her house. "It still hits you at times that they are really gone," she said.
Hundreds of millions of dollars were supposed to go to building a community health workforce after the American Rescue Plan Act was signed into law last March, but much of the money is being quickly spent on health departments or national initiatives, not local, community-based organizations.
This article was published on Thursday, March 31, 2022 in Kaiser Health News.
GRANITE CITY, Ill. — As a community health worker, 46-year-old Christina Scott is a professional red-tape cutter, hand-holder, shoulder to cry on, and personal safety net, all wrapped into one.
She works in an office in the shadow of the steel mill that employed her grandfather in this shrinking city in the Greater St. Louis area. Gone with many of the steel jobs is some of the area’s stability — almost a fifth of Granite City’s residents live in poverty, far higher than the national average.
Then another destabilizer — covid-19 — hit. And so Scott stepped in: She knows how to access rental assistance for those out of work as they isolate at home with covid. She can bring people cleaning supplies or food from a local food bank. She’ll stay on the phone with clients, helping them budget their finances to keep the lights on. And the calls keep coming because people know she understands.
“I’ve been hungry. I’ve not had a car,” Scott said. “I’ve been through those things.”
Scott is one of the over 650 community health workers the Illinois Department of Public Health hired through local, community-based organizations starting last March. This Pandemic Health Navigator Program workforce was made possible by a nearly $55 million grant from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention through the federal pandemic relief passed by Congress. The team has completed at least 45,000 assistance requests, which were referred to them through contact tracing of covid cases.
As the workers have gained the community’s trust, Scott said, new requests have poured in from people who have heard about the catch-all program, which does more than what many people may think of as public health work.
But the money is set to run out at the end of June. Workers such as Scott are uncertain about their futures and those of the people they help each day. Dr. Georges Benjamin, executive director of the American Public Health Association, said that’s the tragedy of the boom-bust nature of public health funding in the United States.
“As the dollars go away, we’re going to see some people falling off the cliff,” he said. The problem, as Benjamin sees it, is the country’s lack of a systematic vision for public health. “If you did this with your army, with your military, you could never have a sound security system.”
Community health workers were positioned as key to President Joe Biden’s public health agenda. Ideally, they are one and the same as those they serve — like a neighbor who can be trusted when help is needed. Popular in countries such as Costa Rica, Liberia, and Brazil, community health workers have been difficult to maintain in the United States without consistent ways to pay them.
Hundreds of millions of dollars were supposed to go to building a community health workforce after the American Rescue Plan Act was signed into law last March, said Denise Smith, the founding executive director of the National Association of Community Health Workers. But, she said, much of the money is being quickly spent on health departments or national initiatives, not local, community-based organizations. And a lot of it has been going to AmeriCorps workers who may not be from the communities they work in — and make poverty-line salaries, Smith said.
“For bills and a car note, rent, or children, that’s just not sustainable,” she said. “We can’t do it for free.”
By contrast, Illinois’ program tries to hire workers from within communities. Two-thirds of its workers identify as Latino/Hispanic or Black. About 40% were previously unemployed, and hiring them injects money into the communities they serve. The jobs pay $20 to $30 an hour, and almost half include health insurance or a stipend toward it.
That’s by design, said Tracey Smith, who oversees the Pandemic Health Navigator Program for the Illinois Department of Public Health and is not related to Denise Smith. She believes paying for such workers is a necessity, not a luxury, in helping people navigate the nation’s broken health care system and disjointed government assistance programs.
Angelia Gower, a vice president of the NAACP in Madison, Illinois, is now one of those paid community health workers. “They see you out there week after week and month after month and you’re still there, they start trusting,” she said. “You’re making a connection.”
But as covid cases have waned, the number of Illinois’ pandemic health workers has decreased by nearly a third, to roughly 450, in part because they have found other opportunities.
Smith is optimistic the program will secure money to keep an estimated 300 community health workers on staff and then use the goodwill they’ve built up in communities to focus on disease prevention. The fragmented American health care system — and its systemic inequities — won’t disappear with covid, she said. Plus, millions of people are poised to lose their Medicaid coverage as pandemic benefits run out, Benjamin said, creating a hole in their safety net.
Part of the long-term funding challenge is quantifying what workers like Scott do in a day, especially if it doesn’t relate directly to covid or another communicable disease. How do you tabulate the difference made in a client’s life when you’re securing beds for their children, laptops for them to go to school, or tapping into Federal Emergency Management Agency funds to pay funeral costs after a loved one dies of covid? How do you put a dollar amount on wraparound services that may keep a family afloat, especially when a public health emergency isn’t occurring?
As Scott likes to point out, most of the time she’s helping people use resources already available to them.
The National Association of Community Health Workers’ Denise Smith is worried that even though programs like Illinois’ are doing the work to help with health inequities, they may go the way that many Affordable Care Act grants did. In 2013, she was working as a community health worker in Connecticut, helping cut the uninsured rate in her area by 50%. But the money ran dry, and the program disappeared.
She said North Carolina is an example of a state that has designed its pandemic-inspired community health worker program to be more permanent. But, nationally, Congress has yet to approve more money for covid testing and vaccines — much less for longer-term public health investments.
Meanwhile, Scott can’t help but worry about people such as 40-year-old Christina Lewis.
As she leaves Lewis’ mobile home after dropping off a load of groceries, Scott reminds Lewis to keep wearing her mask even as other people are shedding theirs. Scott used her own family as an example, saying they all wear their masks in public even though people “look at me like I’ve got five heads.”
Lewis said Scott’s help — bringing over groceries, talking through budgeting — has been invaluable. Lewis has stayed home throughout the pandemic to protect her 5-year-old daughter, Briella, who was born prematurely and has chronic lung disease. The struggle to make ends meet is far from over amid rising inflation. Briella knows to turn off the lights as soon as she’s out of a room. And now they are eyeing rising gasoline prices.
“I already know I’m going to have to get a bike,” Lewis said.
Over the past months, Scott has listened and consoled Lewis as she cried over the stress of staying afloat and losing family members to covid. Scott isn’t sure what will happen to all her clients if her support disappears.
“What happens to people when it goes away?” Scott asked.
KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.
When Reyna or Justin Ansley or one of their three kids feels sick and needs to be tested for strep throat or flu, there’s a good chance they’ll head to their local pharmacy in Hemingford or Alliance, Nebraska. Dave Randolph, the proprietor of both locations of Dave’s Pharmacy, can do a rapid test, give them medicine if they need it, and send them on their way.
“I’m a cattle rancher,” said Reyna Ansley, whose family lives about 15 miles outside Hemingford. “You don’t necessarily have the time to drive to the doctor and sit in the waiting room. It’s really quicker through Dave.”
The Ansleys don’t have health insurance and using the pharmacy, where Randolph charges $50 to $60 to do the tests, is cheaper than paying up to $200 for an office visit with a local doctor, Ansley said. If the test is positive, the medications generally cost $20 to $30.
Randolph’s ability to provide treatments for flu and strep throat is somewhat unusual. He can do so in Nebraska because he has an annual collaborative practice agreement with a local doctor that is subject to state approval.
The easy availability of pharmacists also helped propel them into a key role during the pandemic as they became a go-to resource for covid-19 testing and vaccines. Yet even before covid engulfed the country, many states were giving pharmacists a bigger role in consumers’ health.
According to the National Alliance of State Pharmacy Associations, more than a dozen states have expanded what pharmacists can do to include testing and treating people for illnesses such as strep throat, flu, and urinary tract infections and preventing HIV. Some states allow pharmacists to prescribe oral contraceptives or drugs to help people quit smoking. Typically, pharmacists have prescribing authority under agreements with doctors or rules called statewide protocols.
But a limited number of states have gone further, allowing pharmacists to prescribe medications on their own to treat a broad range of conditions for which there are rapid point-of-care tests, if it’s appropriate based on clinical guidelines.
“We’re seeing more states looking at direct prescribing authority now as opposed to collaborative practice agreements,” said Allie Jo Shipman, director of state policy at the National Alliance of State Pharmacy Associations. The alliance offers point-of-care testing and point-of-care treating training programs for pharmacists and pharmacy students.
The Biden administration, which has leaned on pharmacies to help battle the covid pandemic by administering vaccines and tests, is now calling for a limited number of pharmacies with retail clinics that employ doctors or other health care workers with prescribing authority to directly provide medication rapidly to people who test positive for the virus. The “test-to-treat” program is designed to make sure that people with covid get a course of antiviral medication quickly because it is most effective if used within five days of when someone shows symptoms.
Pharmacists say their expanded efforts on covid have helped raise their profile.
“One of the big things that came out of covid is that consumers understand that pharmacies do offer these services that are high-quality and convenient and support their health,” said B. Douglas Hoey, CEO of the National Community Pharmacists Association, which represents the interests of independent pharmacists.
But physicians don’t necessarily welcome this development. Doctor groups have long objected to the taking on of certain types of patient care by pharmacists, nurse practitioners, physician assistants, and other nondoctors unless it is overseen by or approved by physicians.
In November, the American Medical Association, which represents doctors, announced that since 2019, it had successfully opposed more than 100 legislative actions that would have expanded nonphysicians’ scope of practice, called scope creep. The group also issued a statement criticizing the Biden administration’s plan to allow pharmacy-based clinics to prescribe covid antiviral medications, saying that the program poses a danger to patient safety and risks negative health outcomes. And the AMA unsuccessfully opposed a federal decision to let pharmacists give covid vaccines to children younger than 18.
Meanwhile, the American College of Physicians, which represents internists, announced it “opposes independent pharmacist prescriptive privileges and initiation of drug therapy outside of a collective practice agreement, physician standing order or supervision, or similar arrangement.”
The AMA didn’t respond to questions about independent pharmacist prescribing, and the ACP declined to comment on its policy.
But are physicians correct that patient safety is at risk if a doctor isn’t involved in prescribing decisions? Pharmacists say that they want to provide care in line with their training and skills and that they know their limits. And they note that timely prescribing is vital for treating covid and other infectious diseases.
They also note that pharmacists are increasingly part of the multidisciplinary clinical teams that direct patient care at hospitals and in health care systems.
“Pharmacists are the professionals that are the most trained to deal with drug interactions,” said Rita Jew, a pharmacist who is president of the Institute for Safe Medication Practices, a nonprofit that focuses on preventing medication errors. “We monitor patients for both efficacy and side effects. So from that perspective, it’s not a safety concern. Delay in treatment is a concern.”
Many pharmacists are eager to expand their menu of patient services, but payment remains a problem. Pharmacists aren’t generally recognized as service providers under Medicare and don’t typically receive payment when they spend time evaluating, testing, or treating patients. Many private insurers follow Medicare’s lead on payment.
For many people, pharmacies are convenient and familiar. More than 90% of people in the United States live within 5 miles of a community pharmacy, and Medicare beneficiaries visit the pharmacy nearly twice as often as they do their primary care physician.
Dr. Jeffrey Singer, a general surgeon and a senior fellow at the libertarian Cato Institute, wrote a recent blog post suggesting that doctors who object to nonphysician prescribing may be more worried about competition than patient safety.
“Rather than work to prevent laws that could meet the needs of patients, the onus is on the profession to persuade people that they need to see a doctor,” Singer said in an interview, adding that he has relied on pharmacists’ expertise in his practice. “I ask them, ‘Is there any particular problem with this drug?’ They have the software. And that’s what they’re trained to do.”
In Arkansas, a 2021 law gave pharmacists the authority to treat conditions for which there are point-of-care tests, as long as they follow statewide protocols established by the state board of pharmacy and the state medical board.
“There are myriad tests that are on the market now that are quick and inexpensive and that can really increase access dramatically for folks who don’t have time or resources to go to a primary care provider,” said Scott Pace, a pharmacist and co-owner of Kavanaugh Pharmacy in Little Rock, Arkansas.
But pharmacists aren’t interested in replacing physicians, said Shipman. “We want to come alongside physicians,” she said. “We want to be another health care provider. In the middle of the pandemic, we need more help. The burden is too great to be carried by any one provider.”
KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.
Some people aren't convinced about the value of a third shot, a hesitancy fueled by evolving scientific understanding of the virus and a distrust of the federal government entrenched in tribal communities.
This article was published on Thursday, March 31, 2022 in Kaiser Health News.
When covid-19 vaccines first became available, Native Americans acted swiftly and with determination to get their shots — as though they had everything to lose.
Covid hospitalization and death rates for American Indians and Alaska Natives had skyrocketed past those of non-Hispanic whites. Leveraging established systems like the Indian Health Service and tribal organizations, Native Americans urgently administered vaccines. Data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention showed they achieved the highest vaccination rates of any race or ethnicity.
Yet, tribal health officials said, they eventually ran up against the challenges that broadly stalled the U.S. vaccination campaign, particularly in persuading people to get booster shots.
Nationally, 72% of American Indians and Alaska Natives of all ages had received at least one dose of a covid vaccine as of March 28, and 59% were fully vaccinated — having received two doses of Moderna’s or Pfizer-BioNTech’s vaccine or one dose of Johnson & Johnson’s. A much smaller share had received booster shots — 44% of fully vaccinated Native Americans ages 12 and up, below the booster rates for whites, Asian Americans, and Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders.
Tribal health experts say data problems may be partly to blame, but there are other factors. It’s proved more difficult in recent months to find shots and book appointments. Some people weren’t convinced about the value of a third shot, a hesitancy fueled by evolving scientific understanding of the virus and a distrust of the federal government entrenched in tribal communities.
“Sometimes I think the people I talk to see it as, ‘Hey, we got our first and second shot. You guys have told us that’s what we need, and we’re going to be OK,’” said Angie Wilson, who until recently served as tribal administrator of the Reno-Sparks Indian Colony, a federally recognized tribe in Nevada with about 1,200 members.
Reno-Sparks provides a glimpse into what it takes to increase vaccinations. Before the omicron variant arrived in early December, vaccinations had plateaued, and many members were expressing apathy about getting additional shots, she said. After omicron caused a sharp rise in cases, Reno-Sparks mandated that its employees be fully vaccinated and boosted. It also used money provided by the American Rescue Plan Act to offer cash to members: $1,000 for getting the initial doses and $500 for a booster, regardless of whether they lived on or off the reservation.
Those incentives and rising counts of breakthrough infections sparked renewed interest and persuaded roughly 130 people to get boosters within six weeks. Thirty-five percent of eligible Reno-Sparks’ tribal members had been boosted as of late March. The rates of first and second shots rose, too: 60% of members 5 and older had received an initial dose, while 56% were fully vaccinated.
The tribal land is in an urban area in Reno, and the reservation has a Walmart Supercenter. Nevada lifted its statewide mask mandate abruptly Feb. 10.
With precautions to limit covid’s spread falling by the wayside, tribal officials fear what any gaps in vaccination will mean for their communities. American Indians and Alaska Natives have been hospitalized for covid at three times the rate of white Americans and have died of covid at double the rate of whites, according to the CDC. Nationally, as of March 28, fewer than half of booster-eligible Native residents had received them.
“I can see where we’re heading, which is concerning,” Wilson said. “I worry about our tribal population, especially with our risk factors.”
The challenges were evident even before the FDA on March 29 authorized a second booster dose of the Pfizer-BioNTech and Moderna vaccines for anyone 50 or older and certain immunocompromised people. Tribal members and health experts see several reasons that booster rates have not been higher, despite employing more aggressive vaccination measures than surrounding states and counties.
Virginia Hedrick, executive director of the California Consortium for Urban Indian Health, said, “I do think that IHS really rose to the occasion when it came to the pandemic and vaccine rollout.” Still, “any time we have something change,” she said of the vaccine, “it raises questions for folks.”
In the fall, Hedrick said, her mother-in-law saw ads for booster shots all over the place but still couldn’t get an appointment. “There was a general sense of frustration,” she said.
Another problem, which likely masks the true share of Native Americans who have gotten booster shots: data inconsistencies. Race data on Native Americans has long been hindered by accuracy issues, including misclassifications of people. With covid vaccines, the CDC receives data from a hodgepodge of systems that generally don’t communicate with one another: state immunization registries, pharmacy chains, and federal vaccine providers, including IHS. And race and ethnicity information is missing from a significant share of vaccination records.
The agency acknowledges that it can overestimate initial vaccines given and undercount subsequent doses because the data does not include personally identifiable information. As a result, different doses may not be connected back to the same person.
If a Native American receives the first two doses through the IHS but gets a booster elsewhere, the booster dose could be misclassified as a first dose. Many instances of this could create the impression that booster rates among Native Americans are lower than they really are.
“The counting might get confused because there’s no central system,” said Dr. Meghan O’Connell, a tribal medical epidemiologist with the CDC Foundation who works at the Great Plains Tribal Leaders Health Board in South Dakota.
Accurate federal data is crucial for assessing Native American vaccinations because of the large role played by the IHS, a federal agency through which 355 facilities, tribal health programs, and urban Indian organizations received vaccine shipments. State-level data on vaccination does not include administered shots from all federal vaccine providers, including the IHS.
Native Americans get vaccinated in and outside of tribal health facilities, but access to IHS facilities can affect overall rates.
IHS publishes the number of vaccine doses that have been delivered and administered in 11 IHS areas but not the number of people per area who have received those doses. The lone exception is Alaska, where tribes received vaccines from the state.
“Something I’m very interested in is knowing how these rates may differ between tribal communities so that we can learn more about best practices,” O’Connell said.
IHS received $9 billion to respond to the pandemic, the bulk of it from the American Rescue Plan. It did not respond to questions about efforts to increase booster rates among tribal populations and whether they differed from outreach done to encourage people to get the initial shots.
When asked how often Native American vaccination data is checked for errors, CDC spokesperson Kate Grusich said the agency “regularly provides feedback on data quality” and works to remove duplicate or incorrect records. “This is an ongoing process and includes strategies to improve the accuracy of all COVID-19 vaccination related data, including race and ethnicity data,” she said in an email.
Agnes Attakai, a member of the Navajo Nation who lost six relatives to covid, got her first two vaccine doses easily, through a university drive-thru clinic. But when it came to her booster shot, she said, she had two options — CVS and Walgreens pharmacies, which had “a month- to two-month-long waits,” or her local public health department about 10 miles away. A resident of rural Pima County, Arizona, she chose the latter and got her shot in November.
Attakai, director of health disparities outreach and prevention education at the University of Arizona’s public health school, said she observed high uptake of booster shots. But there have been some clear differences compared with the early vaccine rollout.
Shots were “more accessible at the very beginning where there was a mass effort, a communitywide effort,” Attakai said. “When the boosters rolled out … [folks had to] actually find out where to get their booster shots and which was the closest location, when they were open. And, of course, some of them were open only during the daytime.”
The Navajo Nation, the largest tribe in the U.S., in January required its employees to get booster shots, building on an earlier mandate that they be fully vaccinated. As of March 4, 66% of Navajo Nation residents had received the first two doses, according to spokesperson Jared Touchin, above the U.S. rate at the time.
As officials brace for future covid surges, Wilson said tribal officials are trying to figure out how to best educate people on how to protect themselves. “If we don’t do that, I think that the issue’s going to be, ‘Well covid’s over, everything’s opened up, we don’t have to deal with this anymore, I’m back to living my life,’ without realizing that the danger is still there,” she said.
The hardship for the national pandemic response is that “there’s a validity in the fear in tribal communities,” Wilson said, “centered around the distrust of the federal government, rightfully so.”
KHN (Kaiser Health News) is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues. Together with Policy Analysis and Polling, KHN is one of the three major operating programs at KFF (Kaiser Family Foundation). KFF is an endowed nonprofit organization providing information on health issues to the nation.
Sen. Tim Scott, a rising star in the Republican Party with broad popularity in his home state of South Carolina, is getting showered with drug industry money before facing voters this fall.
Scott was the top recipient of pharma campaign cash in Congress during the second half of 2021, receiving $99,000, KHN's Pharma Cash to Congress database shows, emerging as a new favorite of the industry. Though Scott has been a perennial recipient since arriving in Congress in 2011, the latest amount is nearly twice as much as his previous highest haul.
Why Tim Scott? South Carolina's junior senator is someone widely viewed as destined for greater things during his political career. And this is an existential moment for the American pharmaceutical industry when securing allies is critical.
Congress is under intense pressure to rein in the high prices of medicines in the U.S., which are often several times those in other developed countries. Roughly 1 in 4 adults report difficulty affording their prescription drugs, according to KFF polling. Further, 83% of Americans support the idea of Medicare negotiating with pharmaceutical firms to lower prices for both its beneficiaries as well those with private insurance — that's 95% of Democrats, 82% of independents, and 71% of Republicans.
The industry needs people like Scott, who has introduced several health-related bills in recent years and maintains drug industry-friendly positions, in its corner. He opposes proposals introduced in legislation backed by most Democrats in Congress to let Medicare negotiate prices. In 2019, when the Senate Finance Committee considered a drug pricing bill crafted by Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) and Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.), Scott voted against a measure that would have amended the legislation to allow Medicare drug price negotiation. (Scott himself was absent but registered his opposition through a proxy vote.)
In September, as the top Republican on the Senate's Special Committee on Aging, he released a report arguing that HR 3, a sweeping measure from House Democrats to tamp down prices, would result in "shattered innovation" and "bankrupt businesses," echoing arguments made by pharma companies.
"Democrats propose the federal government should be in charge of deciding the price of treatments, instead of a competitive free marketplace sustained by companies driving innovation," the report stated. The bill would have allowed the federal government to negotiate prices for certain costly medicines and penalize drug companies that don't cooperate, among other provisions.
Scott has also been a member of the Senate Finance Committee since 2015, an assignment that gives him significant influence over legislation affecting the sector as well as a prominent perch for fundraising. In total, 27 drug and biotech companies or their powerful lobbying organizations in Washington contributed to his campaign accounts in the latter half of last year. Amgen, Vertex Pharmaceuticals, Merck & Co., AstraZeneca, BioMarin Pharmaceutical, and Genentech were his top donors, each giving between $5,000 and $10,500.
He also is a member of the Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee, which this year is set to consider an issue of great importance to pharma companies: reauthorization of user fees the industry pays to the FDA to help expedite the drug review and approval process. The law must be reauthorized by Congress every five years.
"I didn't know until you told me," Scott said when stopped by a KHN reporter in the Capitol and asked what the message was to his constituents as the member of Congress who has received the most money from pharmaceutical PACs in the last two quarters of 2021.
Stephen Billet, an expert on political action committees and associate professor at the Graduate School of Political Management at George Washington University, points to factors beyond his stances on pharma issues that contribute to his fundraising haul. Many of Scott's positions are aligned with his fellow Republicans in Congress who shun greater government intervention in controlling costs. Instead, the contributions may reflect the industry's bet that Scott has a promising political future.
He is a prolific fundraiser. Federal Election Commission records show that Scott has raised $38 million — the most of any GOP senator up for reelection in 2022 and the second highest among senators across both parties — and had $21.5 million in his campaign account at the end of 2021, fueling speculation about a future presidential run. "America, A Redemption Story," Scott's memoirs, is scheduled for release in August through Christian publisher Thomas Nelson.
Billet said pharmaceutical PACs will sit down at the beginning of a campaign cycle and take a close look at the upcoming races and what their budget is likely to be and then figure out who they want to help.
"So they'll say, Tim Scott is up, he's an up-and-comer, he's been a pretty good guy," Billet said. "It's a good idea to get out front and put some money in his pocket."
Pharmaceutical firms have a long tradition of strategic gift-giving to members to develop goodwill, the benefits of which typically emerge many years later.
Other Republican senators up for reelection didn't get nearly as much money from drug companies during the same period, KHN's analysis of Federal Election Commission data shows. For example, Sen. Michael Crapo (R-Idaho), the most senior Republican on the Senate Finance Committee, received $68,300. Fellow Finance panel member Sen. Todd Young (R-Ind.) took in $48,000. All three seats are considered safe for Republicans in November.
Scott has received money from drugmakers every year since coming to Congress as a member of the House in 2011, receiving $596,000 through the end of last year, according to the KHN analysis of FEC data. Scott joined the Senate in 2013 after then-Gov. Nikki Haley chose him to replace GOP senator Jim DeMint, who resigned from Congress to helm the conservative Heritage Foundation think tank. But this is his banner year; previously, the most he received was $54,000 during the second half of 2019.
The following year, Scott co-founded the congressional Personalized Medicine Caucus with a handful of other lawmakers, including fellow pharma darling Sen. Kyrsten Sinema (D-Ariz.). Personalized medicine — which is also referred to as precision medicine — promises to use genetics and other traits to develop individualized treatments for patients, often at a very steep price.
"We will take steps to nurture scientific advancements that may reverse the genetic and molecular causes of rare and common diseases, bringing new hope to American patients and lasting benefits to our healthcare system," Scott's prepared statement read at the time.
Scott's press secretary, Caroline Anderegg, shared that the senator has long held an interest in sickle cell disease, which is the most commonly inherited blood disorder in the U.S. and disproportionately strikes Black people. The disease, which affects roughly 100,000 Americans, is one that could benefit from the development of gene-based therapies, a form of precision medicine, she said.
The caucus's formation was hailed by the Personalized Medicine Coalition, a pharma-friendly group whose members consist of drugmakers donating to Scott — AbbVie, AstraZeneca, Eli Lilly, Genentech, Johnson & Johnson, and Merck, to name a few. The organization estimated that personalized medicines accounted for more than a quarter of new therapies the FDA had approved since 2015, underscoring the pharmaceutical industry's widespread work in the field.
Since 2019, Scott has introduced 17 health-related bills or resolutions about everything from food allergens and sickle cell disease to health disparities among racial and ethnic minorities. Last year, he sponsored a bill that would create tax incentives for drug and medical device companies to manufacture more of their products in the U.S. The legislation's framework loosely aligns with ideas from the Association for Accessible Medicines, which lobbies for generic drug companies.
Overall, from June to December, members of Congress received $3.5 million in their campaign coffers from pharmaceutical companies and their trade associations, according to the KHN analysis of industry contributions.
"There is kind of a cycle to giving and so the off year, 2021, is likely going to have less money than 2022, since it's an election year," said Paul Jorgensen, an associate professor at the University of Texas-Rio Grande Valley who studies campaign finance. "But there was a lot of money put into lobbying this cycle because of all of the initiatives that were being pushed in the House and with the Build Back Better plan, so in some ways your numbers just kind of mirror what one would expect."
Other top recipients of drug industry money in the second half of 2021 include Rep. Cathy McMorris Rodgers (R-Wash.), who was second behind Scott in contributions, receiving $97,300. McMorris Rodgers is the top Republican on the House Energy & Commerce Committee, which has significant sway over pharmaceutical issues, and could become chair of the powerful panel should Republicans retake the House majority in November as expected. Over the entirety of 2021, she received the most money from the sector of any lawmaker.
The pharmaceutical PACs are cognizant of who is up for committee leadership roles, said Billet: "They are 100% aware of who the next person in line is, making McMorris Rodgers an obviously easy target."
Sinema posted the third-highest haul — $74,800 despite not being up for reelection until 2024. It was a big gain over the first half of 2021, when she received $8,000. KHN reported in 2020 on Sinema's connections to the pharmaceutical industry.
Data analyst Elizabeth Lucas contributed to this report.